<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>classes artists or audiences in terms <strong>of</strong> their ethnicity; and the difficulty whitepolicy makers and researchers experience when trying to learn more about thecultural activities <strong>of</strong> ethnic minorities or indigenous peoples who, complainingthat they have been virtually studied to death in the context <strong>of</strong> colonial historiesand administrations, are understandably reluctant to collaborate in such inquiries.It needs to be recognised, however, that, as cultural policies assume an increasingimportance in view <strong>of</strong> their now evident economic significance in the knowledgeand information economies <strong>of</strong> developed societies, so they are also likely to besubjected to increasingly sophisticated forms <strong>of</strong> quantitative assessment. This, inturn, is likely to mean that cultural policy approaches to diversity will need to followsuit if they are to compete with other cultural policy agendas or, just as important,be effectively integrated with them. Since “governing by numbers” isinescapably a central aspect <strong>of</strong> modern technologies <strong>of</strong> government, culturaldiversity policies will need to develop approaches to the production <strong>of</strong> culturaldiversity indicators that can allow them to function effectively in the context <strong>of</strong>such technologies. This requires a closer statistical knowledge <strong>of</strong> the ways inwhich everyday cultural practices map on to the key social variables <strong>of</strong> gender,age, class, and ethnicity – and the relations between these – than is presently availablein most jurisdictions. 1At the same time, the need for qualitative forms <strong>of</strong> assessment is increasinglyrecognised. These are, indeed, crucial if cultural diversity policies are to engagewith the ways in which the relations between different cultures are experienced bythose who live at their intersections. They are also crucial if the relations betweencultural diversity and concerns about social cohesion, national identity and socialinclusion are to be addressed.The evidence to date suggests that this is much more likely to be successful whereassessment methodologies and processes actively involve the communities thatare concerned and, ideally, are led by members <strong>of</strong> those communities. 2 The studiesconducted in the United States by watchdog organisations like the NationalAssociation for the Advancement <strong>of</strong> Colored People seem especially promising inthis respect. It is also noticeable that the most critically valuable cultural diversityresearch in Austria is conducted by independent research organisations while, inCanada, the work <strong>of</strong> the independent Centre for Research-Action on RaceRelations is impressive in its methodological innovations and the clarity <strong>of</strong> itsfocus.__________1. See, for an indication <strong>of</strong> the issues involved here, <strong>Bennett</strong>, Emmison and Frow, 1999.2. I draw here on research position paper 2: “Assessing the implementation <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity policies”by Arnold J. Love.62
Conclusions: cultural diversityand cultural democracyThese things are never wonI would like to end as I started, anecdotally, in reflecting on the country visit toCanada, which concluded with a meeting involving a range <strong>of</strong> policy makers,administrators and researchers who had just completed two days discussion at theRound Table organised by the <strong>Europe</strong>an CIRCLE network and the CanadianCultural Researchers Network (CCRN). The remark – “These things are neverwon” – was made by Dr Catherine Murray from Simon Fraser University in thecontext <strong>of</strong> a discussion <strong>of</strong> right-wing criticisms <strong>of</strong> multiculturalism that are currentlyprevalent in Canada, and especially outside the major cities, opening up theprospect <strong>of</strong> significant divisions between those Canadian cities large and diverseenough to participate in a global network <strong>of</strong> cosmopolitan world cities and theirmore monocultural and chauvinist hinterlands.The warning is surely a salutary one at a time when, as one critic puts it, governmentswhich trumpet the virtues <strong>of</strong> globalisation and diversity are also “almosteverywhere tightening their border controls and more vigilantly enforcing immigrationlaws” (Morley, 2000: 225). However much policy elites may have understoodthe need for a shift from homogeneity to heterogeneity in the management<strong>of</strong> culture, popular support for such policies is <strong>of</strong>ten much more lukewarm, lacking,or antagonistic. This results, in many jurisdictions, in climates <strong>of</strong> opinion thatcan be politically exploited for xenophobic ends as well as placing limits on theroom for manoeuvre that is available to pro-diversity political forces.At the same time, though, these things are never entirely lost either. This was evidentfrom discussions with the young Austro-Turkish staff <strong>of</strong> Echo – a magazinefor young, second-generation migrants in Vienna – who, notwithstanding thesomewhat gloomy prospects for any immediate advancement <strong>of</strong> their position inAustrian society, were clearly undaunted by the challenges <strong>of</strong> living and workingin the relations between their parental cultures and those <strong>of</strong> “mainstream” Austria.And popular support can sometimes be ahead <strong>of</strong> both policy and political opinion.Although it was widely argued that the election, in 1997, <strong>of</strong> the CoalitionGovernment in Australia represented a backlash against the commitment <strong>of</strong> theprevious Labor administrations to multicultural and Aboriginal rights, andalthough the Coalition Government has had calamitous consequences for indigenousAustralians, the turn out – in early 2000 – <strong>of</strong> hundreds <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> ordinaryAustralians to give Aboriginal Australia the apology that the CoalitionGovernment has denied them was clear evidence that the clock could not simplybe turned back to the bad old days <strong>of</strong> White Australia.63
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