<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>service various minorities and maintain programme diversity. In the UnitedKingdom, for instance, Channel 4, launched in 1982, has a statutory obligation to<strong>of</strong>fer programmes that are different from Channel 3 (ITV) and to serve a diverserange <strong>of</strong> interests and groups. There is also a Welsh language version <strong>of</strong>Channel 4. In Germany, many <strong>of</strong> the state broadcasting regulations specify diversity<strong>of</strong> programming as a requirement and provision for minorities. In some cases,advisory councils <strong>of</strong> viewers have to be consulted in order to achieve access andbalance. 1<strong>Europe</strong>an media policy has also been dominated by an economic rather than a culturallogic, despite early ambitions to try to forge some kind <strong>of</strong> shared “<strong>Europe</strong>ancultural identity”. The primary aim had been to extend the principle <strong>of</strong> the singlemarket and harmonisation to the media and cultural field, with a secondary aim <strong>of</strong>strengthening <strong>Europe</strong>an cultural production in order to reduce dependence on theUnited States. The keystone <strong>of</strong> the media policy <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union is the 1989Television Directive (revised 1996), which has two main objectives relevant to thepresent issue. One is to promote the cross-border flow <strong>of</strong> television within <strong>Europe</strong>,by harmonising the basic rules affecting content and advertising. The second is tostimulate <strong>Europe</strong>an television and film production by setting a minimum “quota”<strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an broadcast content and a target figure for independent productions. 2Along the same lines, the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union has had a policy <strong>of</strong> financial support foraudiovisual production under programmes called MEDIA92 and MEDIAII, whichespecially seek to encourage <strong>Europe</strong>an co-production, partly for cultural diversificationbut also to increase market opportunities for production internationally aswell as within <strong>Europe</strong>an media markets.The broader issues <strong>of</strong> media pluralism have been discussed within the context <strong>of</strong><strong>Europe</strong>an policy especially in the 1992 Green Paper on media pluralism andconcentration, but little has been done except to set out issues and achieveconsultation. 3Several other relevant matters have figured in a minor way in <strong>Europe</strong>an policy discourse,without policy results, but with some significance in their consequences.One relates to support for minority languages that are under threat. Another to thepossibility <strong>of</strong> developing a <strong>Europe</strong>an code <strong>of</strong> ethics for journalism. There has alsobeen some central support for the principle <strong>of</strong> public service broadcasting. 4Despite its relative decline, public broadcasting may still be the best instrument for__________1. See H<strong>of</strong>fmann-Riem, 1996; Becker, 1998.2. In theory this policy should help to widen the media experience <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an citizens and reduce thedominance <strong>of</strong> American media imports. The long term aim is to increase the diversity <strong>of</strong> cultural experienceand the opportunities for cultural employment.3. See Pauwels, 1998. Agreement has not been reached either on what is desirable or feasible, althoughit is doubtful if much can be done in practice beyond limiting the acquisition activity <strong>of</strong> some very largemedia companies. There is some inconsistency between the goal <strong>of</strong> having globally competitive mediafirms and the central values <strong>of</strong> cultural pluralism.4. Especially by way <strong>of</strong> the protocol to the 1998 Amsterdam Treaty which legitimates some legal protection,privileges and subsidy on grounds <strong>of</strong> the wider public interest.76
Reasearch position paper 1directly achieving several <strong>of</strong> the cultural diversity goals mentioned earlier and thesupport <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union policy is increasingly important towards this end.In general it can be said that <strong>Europe</strong>an media policy is ambiguous and potentiallycontradictory in respect <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity. Harmonisation and increase in size <strong>of</strong>the media market tend to encourage uniformity and concentration, in the absence <strong>of</strong>counter measures. On the other hand, cultural subsidies and support for new and independentaudiovisual production are expressly designed to resist this very tendency.Media cultural diversity research issuesResearch in this whole area has been quite diverse and also very uneven, driven bydivergent concerns, but certain main topics can be identified. These are describedunder a number <strong>of</strong> headings, as follows.Americanisation, globalisation and <strong>Europe</strong>an cultural identityThe perceived danger <strong>of</strong> Americanisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an television was first signalledby the research <strong>of</strong> Nordenstreng and Varis (1974) into the imbalance inglobal communication flows. However, the issue was again highlighted because <strong>of</strong>the expansion and commercialisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an television since the early1980s. 1 In addition the <strong>Europe</strong>an Commission has regularly monitored the effects<strong>of</strong> its “quota” policy 2 and others have also evaluated <strong>Europe</strong>an media policy. 3 Thefindings defy a brief summary, but key points to note include the following:– the dominance by American imports is especially marked in respect <strong>of</strong> fiction– films and drama series. It has remained at a constantly high level as a proportion<strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an television output, especially as a low-cost filler <strong>of</strong> theever-expanding number <strong>of</strong> hours <strong>of</strong> transmission. Researchers tend to emphasisethe negative cultural consequences <strong>of</strong> dependence on imported images,regarding fiction as <strong>of</strong> especial significance because it is so popular andengages the imagination;– other things being equal, audiences prefer to watch their own national (or cultural)production and more <strong>of</strong> this is being produced and scheduled in primetime hours; 4– when it comes to importing fictional content, American material is stillfavoured over the production <strong>of</strong> other <strong>Europe</strong>an countries. To some extent itprovides the most widely shared (popular) culture <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>. One result is thattelevision is not really a medium <strong>of</strong> cross-cultural <strong>Europe</strong>an exchange; 5 77__________1. Key publications include: Sepstrup, 1989; Thomsen, 1989; Biltereyst, 1991, 1992, and 1995; Kellyand De Bens, 1992; Hemel, Mommaas and Smithuijsen, 1996; De Bens and De Smaele, 2001;Moragas and Prado, 2000.2. See, for instance, <strong>Europe</strong>an Commission, 1998.3. See, in particular, Biltereyst, 1998; Machet, 1999.4. See De Bens and De Smaele, 2001; Moragas and Prado, 2000.5. Smaller <strong>Europe</strong>an countries tend to be at a double disadvantage, since they may also be dependenton the cross-border transmissions from large neighbours, as in the examples <strong>of</strong> Wallonia and France,Flanders and the Netherlands, Ireland and England, Austria and Germany.
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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Part IDiffering diversities:transve
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The study: background, contextand m
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IntroductionTransversal perspective
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