<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>bound up with that <strong>of</strong> region and the most successful current examples <strong>of</strong> regionaltelevision relate to cases where place and language coincide (for example SC4 inWales, TV3 in Catalonia, ETB in the Basque country, TG4 in the Irish Gaeltacht,Omroep Fryslan in Friesland).However, language and place may not be enough on their own. Guyot (1998) hasdescribed the case <strong>of</strong> the Breton language, where despite the fact that in BasseBretagne, 24% are Breton speakers, there is little Breton media provision. Theobstacles are social and economic, with most speakers older and not commerciallyinteresting to advertisers. New cable and satellite channels are directed at theyoung and affluent. There is little financial viability. H<strong>of</strong>fmann-Riem (1996)stresses that policy cannot regulate for diversity <strong>of</strong> content directly with muchhope <strong>of</strong> success. There have to be structural provisions, <strong>of</strong> the kind built into publicservice broadcasting. Guyot argues for co-ordinating different kinds <strong>of</strong> culturalpolicy as a way <strong>of</strong> achieving results in a given region.Minority language situations vary enormously from country to country. Accordingto Cormack (1998), the chances for minority languages depend not only on obviousthings like the number <strong>of</strong> speakers, but also on the degree <strong>of</strong> political support,the relative symbolic value <strong>of</strong> the minority language (as in Ireland) and the mounting<strong>of</strong> campaigns <strong>of</strong> support. Lately, there has been a more favourable trend in<strong>Europe</strong>an support for regional and minority media (the concept <strong>of</strong> “<strong>Europe</strong> <strong>of</strong> theRegions”). There are potential benefits as well as threats from changes in themedia. Cormack (1998) suggests that the cause <strong>of</strong> minority languages may behelped by the larger threat to many national <strong>Europe</strong>an languages from the internationalimperialism <strong>of</strong> the English language. 1 Advocates <strong>of</strong> minority languages andopponents <strong>of</strong> English language dominance share a common cause and can benefitfrom the same protective measures.Immigration and ethnic minoritiesA fair amount <strong>of</strong> research has been carried out on the media provision for immigrantsin various <strong>Europe</strong>an countries and media needs and uses <strong>of</strong> immigrantminorities. 2 For many members <strong>of</strong> ethnic and language minority groups, newmedia developments have strengthened cultural ties with countries <strong>of</strong> origin, evenif the parallel goal <strong>of</strong> integration may be less well served. However, in general, agenuine “multiculturalism” <strong>of</strong> society is more likely where ethnic minorities haveautonomous bases <strong>of</strong> identity. This was the original concept, for instance, behindthe pillarised society <strong>of</strong> the Netherlands and it is consistent with policies to protecthistoric subcultures in <strong>Europe</strong>an national societies. The situation in relation todominant mass media is less positive. 3 It is hard for ethnic minority members togain access on equal terms to the media <strong>of</strong> the host country. The news values <strong>of</strong> themain mass media have a persistent tendency to “problematise” if not penalise the__________1. See also Findahl, 1989.2. See Frachon and Vargaftig, 1995; Hargreaves and Mahdjoub, 1997; Husband, 1998; Downing andHusband, 1999; Browne, 1999; Dijk, 1999; Ogan and Milikowski, 1998; Sreberny, 2000.3. See Downing and Husband, 1999; Dijk, 1999.80
Reasearch position paper 1presence <strong>of</strong> immigrants, as much research testifies. 1 Research suggests that overtime, a once “problematic” immigrant group gradually loses its negative stereotypein the media, only to be replaced by some new “outgroup” – currently <strong>of</strong>ten“asylum seekers” (Lubbers, Scheeper and Wester, 1998).In several countries, there are examples <strong>of</strong> immigrant groups receiving their ownlocal cable television services, especially in larger cities (for example MigrantenTV in Amsterdam). Where the ethnic immigrant population reaches a “criticalmass”, the situation is even more favourable. Husband (1998) has concluded withreference to the United Kingdom that “on the whole, minority ethnic communitiesare well served by the press”. He reports a case study <strong>of</strong> the Pakistani minority <strong>of</strong>the city <strong>of</strong> Bradford, which accounts for more than 10% <strong>of</strong> the population. They notonly have several newspapers, but also several radio stations, some local cable televisionand many film and video outlets. The media environment <strong>of</strong> this particularminority is rich enough to allow considerable fragmentation and internal diversity<strong>of</strong> its own. Husband even sees a potential problem <strong>of</strong> a threat to a shared publicsphere which can “facilitate dialogue and engagement across ethnic boundaries”.Media concentration and pluralismAlthough media pluralism and concentration, as indicated above, has been on theagenda <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an policy discussions for some years, there is little comparativeresearch. It is hard to reach conclusions about the extent <strong>of</strong> any problem or theprospects <strong>of</strong> any solution. 2 Little more has been done at the pan-<strong>Europe</strong>an levelthan the work <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Council</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> and the <strong>Europe</strong>an Commission in inventorisingthe situation <strong>of</strong> different media systems in respect <strong>of</strong> concentration andposing certain questions for <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>of</strong> the kind that arise in national contexts.Local, community and alternative mediaMedia research has always tended to pay most attention to the “big media” <strong>of</strong> themoment, especially television, as if size (or ratings) must be correlated with significancein other respects. Against this trend, there has also long been a movement<strong>of</strong> researchers in <strong>Europe</strong> to pay attention to “small media”, especially localand community radio and television. 3 The main conclusion <strong>of</strong> research on localand community media is that the new technologies (and also the climate <strong>of</strong> deregulation)have opened the way for more diverse access opportunities and morealternative forms <strong>of</strong> media expression for small groups, something that is stillgrowing with the Internet. 4 Small scale media take their impetus from real communities.Their tendency thus is to reinforce the identity <strong>of</strong> the minorities and revitaliselocalities they serve, rather than crossing cultural boundaries as such.__________1. For example, Leurdijk, 1997.2. But see, for instance, Pauwels, 1998; Picard, 1998; Meier and Trappel, 1998a and 1998b;Humphreys, 2000.3. See, for example, Jankowski, Prehn and Stappers, 1992; Jankowski and Prehn, 2000.4. In general, globalisation has affected national media (through the spread <strong>of</strong> global media culture andcommercial links) much more than it has local media that have acquired a new vitality and do not haveto cede audiences.81
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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Part IDiffering diversities:transve
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The study: background, contextand m
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Differing diversitiesi. new forms o
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IntroductionTransversal perspective
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The challenge of diversityCulture,
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