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Tony Bennett, Differing diversities - Council of Europe

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<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>Governmental and constitutional provision for diversityThe rights <strong>of</strong> two <strong>of</strong> the recognised ethnic groups, the Croats in Burgenland andthe Slovenes in Carinthia, were constitutionally enshrined in the Austrian StateTreaty <strong>of</strong> 1955 which resulted from the negotiations held between the Austriangovernment and the allied forces on the subject <strong>of</strong> Austria’s independence. Thetreaty, however, did not mention the rights <strong>of</strong> any other existing ethnic groups. Thedegree to which such provisions – focusing on such matters as language andschooling rights, and bilingual place names and road signs – have been honouredin practice has also proved variable. Often opposed by the German-speakingmajorities at the provincial level, the federal government has also <strong>of</strong>ten failed tostand by these constitutional guarantees, frequently occasioning significant protestas a consequence. The new law <strong>of</strong> 1976 – the Volksgruppengesetz, or EthnicGroups Act – has been seen as diluting the provisions <strong>of</strong> the 1955 treaty by theCarinthian Slovenes and Burgenland Croats and, as a consequence, has been contestedon a number <strong>of</strong> occasions. However, it has also been welcomed by other ethnicgroups – the Hungarians in Burgenland, for example, who had not previouslyenjoyed any specific legal provisions. There is no equivalent provision for the culturalrights <strong>of</strong> immigrants who also lack political rights and experience variousforms <strong>of</strong> discrimination in the labour and housing markets, and in the delivery <strong>of</strong>social services. While questions concerning the need to rectify this situation wereraised in the so-called “foreigners debate” <strong>of</strong> the 1990s, there has been only limitedimprovement in the formal rights <strong>of</strong> immigrants and there is currently considerableconcern that their situation might deteriorate.Cultural policy and cultural diversityThe history <strong>of</strong> cultural policy formation in Austria is characterised by two distinctivefeatures: the unusually strong role <strong>of</strong> the state in cultural provision comparedto the private sector; and the relative strength <strong>of</strong> the federal government in planningcultural policy even though, legally, “cultural sovereignty” is vested in theprovincial governments. Characterised, in the immediate post-war period, by aconservative and limited focus on high culture, cultural policies acquired significantnew directions in the 1970s. In response to the concerns <strong>of</strong> new social movements,there was a significant democratisation <strong>of</strong> the cultural sphere through thedevelopment <strong>of</strong> cultural policies that were intended to overcome barriers to culturalaccess based on relations <strong>of</strong> social class and gender. The 1990s also witnesseda major public debate about “cultural citizenship” in Austria whichincluded a significant concern with questions <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity. This resulted ina blossoming <strong>of</strong> regional cultural initiatives directed mainly toward the culturalactivities <strong>of</strong> the different Volksgruppen and, in the media sphere, in the experimentin media diversity (public broadcasting in Austria is a strongly centrally directedstate monopoly) represented by the innovative “free radios” which are also platformsfor immigrant communities. The stance toward immigrant groups, however,remained largely an integrationist one although new directions with a moreexplicit stress on the promotion <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity were outlined in the WhitePaper on the Reform <strong>of</strong> Cultural Policy in Austria that resulted from a review and34

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