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Tony Bennett, Differing diversities - Council of Europe

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Reasearch position paper 6radio, a Romani television station, Romani programmes on mainstream television,Romani periodicals, Romani columns in mainstream publications, NGOs dealingwith Romani media issues, Romani Internet websites, Romani wire service,Romani list serves.The national policy environment not only frames the processes <strong>of</strong> gaining licensesto operate a station but can also have implications for actual content, what may ormay not be broadcast. One controversial decision was the British IndependentTelevision Commission’s closure <strong>of</strong> the Kurdish television channel MED-TV forits supposedly “political” content; it has subsequently reopened as Medya TV(Hassanpour, 1998).Theoretical approachesWhile the contemporary theoretical literature is full <strong>of</strong> evocative tropes andmetaphors <strong>of</strong> dispersion and its psycho-cultural effects which include notions <strong>of</strong>home and homelands; place and displacement, re-placement; feelings <strong>of</strong> longing/belonging;tensions between roots/routes, there exists little in the way <strong>of</strong> clearmodels or categories to think through this material.Appadurai’s well-known “ethnoscape” acknowledges the sense <strong>of</strong> a diaspora asspread across numerous national territorial boundaries, yet connected togetherthrough sophisticated media, producing “diasporic public spheres (…) in whichmigration and mass mediation co-constitute a new sense <strong>of</strong> the global as modernand the modern as global” (Appadurai 1996: 10). A diaspora is not static, and cruciallymay be scattered across a number <strong>of</strong> different national territorial boundaries.Sreberny (2000) has suggested the diasporic gaze may thus be differentiated fromthe exilic gaze, looking back toward the old homeland in nostalgia, or the ethnicgaze, looking inward to the new host environment with longing: the diasporic gaze“scopes the global”, looking all around for its sense <strong>of</strong> fragmented community.Dayan also stresses the dynamic nature <strong>of</strong> the diasporic imagination: “diasporasare incarnations <strong>of</strong> existing discourses, interpretants <strong>of</strong> such discourses, echoes oranticipations <strong>of</strong> historical projects. (…) Their maintenance (…) involves a constantactivity <strong>of</strong> reinvention.” (Dayan, 1998: 110). One issue that is repeatedlyalluded to is a putative tension for migrants between competing loyalties to oldhomes and to new ones, to different “national imaginaries”. Yet that is increasinglyseen as a stale and unfruitful mode <strong>of</strong> analysis. As Hargreaves (forthcoming)has suggested, migrants are “not engaged in a zero sum game. It is quite possibleto feel a heightened sense <strong>of</strong> interest in one society without this necessarily implyingloss <strong>of</strong> involvement in another.”Robins and Aksoy (2000) are rightly critical <strong>of</strong> media analysis that is built on stalerepetition <strong>of</strong> ideas <strong>of</strong> a single national culture, including that entering the<strong>Europe</strong>an cultural space, for example as a single “Turkish” culture. Rather theypropose a view that embraces change and the sense <strong>of</strong> a more porous dynamic culturalenvironment that embraces a cosmopolitan project instead <strong>of</strong> the nationalproject. This echoes a much wider and growing interest in cosmopolitanism, for159

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