<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>Contemporary debates have developed Taylor’s insights by claiming that differenceneeds to be considered as the constant intersection <strong>of</strong> many features wherenone <strong>of</strong> them can claim importance over another (Agamben, 1993: 29-38). Thisapproach advocates the intrinsic hybridity <strong>of</strong> identities. This condition <strong>of</strong> “inbetweenness”1 presupposes a deeper acceptance <strong>of</strong> human existence as a porous,constant flux <strong>of</strong> definitions and redefinitions where nobody belongs completely toany one identity. This way, differences proliferate, opening the way to constantcultural contamination.This ideal <strong>of</strong> infinite cultural translation, however, poses serious policy implicationsas it radically challenges traditional top-down interventions, which have s<strong>of</strong>ar been bent on efficiently keeping difference within, for example, the narrowconstraints <strong>of</strong> multiculturalism. Moreover, if it is true that culture has always beenan arena <strong>of</strong> negotiation, and that globalisation has, to a certain extent, always beenpresent in the constant and reciprocal exchange between continents, cultures andsocial groups, the challenge posed by the new spatial logic <strong>of</strong> the informationalrevolution could seriously impinge on any attempts by any single state to legislatefor any single cultural identity.As Manuel Castells argues (1994: 20):“The informational revolution allows for the simultaneous process <strong>of</strong> centralisation<strong>of</strong> messages and decentralisation <strong>of</strong> their reception, creating a new communicationsworld made up at the same time <strong>of</strong> the global village and <strong>of</strong> theincommunicability <strong>of</strong> those communities that are switched <strong>of</strong>f from the globalnetwork.”This highlights two main features in contemporary urban living that policy makerscannot afford to ignore: that <strong>of</strong> spatial segregation and the commodification <strong>of</strong>space.Citizenship, says the geographer Alisdair Rogers (n.d.: 6-7), is inconceivablewithout some reference to its spatiality, and, if one thinks, for instance, about themass <strong>of</strong> homeless people expelled from the business and tourist districts in twentieth-centurywestern cities, it becomes evident that the denial <strong>of</strong> citizenship is<strong>of</strong>ten experienced also through physical, social and economic exclusion from suchspaces.Conversely, state multiculturalism has at times fostered an approach akin to acommodification <strong>of</strong> public space, a space where consumers and not citizens areallowed. Here the city <strong>of</strong>fers itself as a stage <strong>of</strong> an empty spectacle to be viewedby a mass audience (Harvey, 1989). The result <strong>of</strong> this is the creation in some cities<strong>of</strong> a sort <strong>of</strong> “multicultural theme park” where differences are sanitised through theconsumption <strong>of</strong> “exotic” cultural products. In global cities, on the other hand, ascompetition for scarce public resources between different stakeholders makescommunity politics a politics <strong>of</strong> conflict over the allocation <strong>of</strong> resources,marginalised social groups are increasingly claiming their right to ensure that their__________1. Bhabha, 1997.124
Reasearch position paper 4existence, and their cultural identities, are recognised by those who hold political,economic and social power (Sassen, 1991: 195-196).Given the complexities outlined above, there is a feeling among both cultural practitionersand policy makers alike that there needs to be a re-examination <strong>of</strong> policydelivery mechanisms as national and supranational institutions <strong>of</strong>ten work throughhierarchical departments which are too detached from local territorial dynamics. Adecade ago, commenting on this issue, Castells (1994: 351-353) observed that(and this is still true today) because <strong>of</strong> their flexibility and knowledge <strong>of</strong> theresources <strong>of</strong> the local civil society, local governments or forms <strong>of</strong> democracy arenow better placed than national states at managing new urban contradictions andconflicts.The cultural planning approach has emerged out <strong>of</strong> this debate as a way <strong>of</strong>enabling policy makers to think strategically about the application <strong>of</strong> the culturalresources <strong>of</strong> localities to a wide range <strong>of</strong> public authority responsibilities. By linkingculture and other aspects <strong>of</strong> economic and social life, cultural planning can beinstrumental in creating development opportunities for the whole <strong>of</strong> the local community.In other words, while cultural policies tend to have a sectoral focus, culturalplanning adopts a territorial remit. Moreover, as Franco Bianchini and I haveargued elsewhere (1997: 84-85), it is important to clarify that cultural planning isnot the “planning <strong>of</strong> culture”, but a cultural (anthropological) approach to urbanplanning and policy.This insight derives from a tradition <strong>of</strong> radical planning and humanistic management<strong>of</strong> cities championed in the early 1960s, chiefly, by Jane Jacobs. Cities areour own artefacts, argued Jacobs (1965: 155-156), and the trouble in dealing withthem is that planners can only contemplate a city’s uses one at a time, by categories.Jacobs saw the city as an ecosystem composed <strong>of</strong> physical-economic-ethicalprocesses interacting with each other in a natural flow. While developing theidea <strong>of</strong> the city as a living system, Jacobs implicitly acknowledged her debt to theScottish biologist and philosopher Patrick Geddes, who, at the beginning <strong>of</strong> thetwentieth century, imported from French geography the idea <strong>of</strong> the “naturalregion”. For Geddes, planning had to start with a survey <strong>of</strong> the resources <strong>of</strong> such anatural region (whose ingredients were Folk-Work-Place), <strong>of</strong> the human responsesto it, and <strong>of</strong> the resulting complexities <strong>of</strong> the cultural landscape and <strong>of</strong> the humanresponse to such a natural region (Hall, 1989).The idea <strong>of</strong> a territory as a living ecosystem, made up <strong>of</strong> diverse resources whichneed to be surveyed and acknowledged by the local community at large beforepolicy can intervene, is very much at the heart <strong>of</strong> cultural planning. McNulty’s andMercer’s notion <strong>of</strong> cultural planning, widely applied in both the United States(since the 1970s) and Australia (since the mid-1980s), is, however, still uncommonamong <strong>Europe</strong>an policy makers. 1 125__________1. See McNulty, 1991; Mercer, 1991a and 1991b; Grogan and Mercer, 1995.
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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Part IDiffering diversities:transve
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The study: background, contextand m
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Differing diversitiesi. new forms o
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IntroductionTransversal perspective
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The challenge of diversityCulture,
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Diversity, citizenship, and cultura
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Differing diversitieslanguages. The
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Differing diversitiesin the pursuit
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Differing diversitiescircumstances
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