<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>The second major impact on the <strong>Europe</strong>an media environment is the new incomingmigrant communities and the various attempts to satisfy their information and culturalneeds with new media channels and products. The earliest televisual responsesto immigrants was for public service channels to produce programmes for immigrants,which sometimes meant migrants producing a programme that aired on apublic channel; this evolved into multicultural programming on terrestrial channels.In the 1990s with the advent <strong>of</strong> cable and satellite broadcasting, new channelswere specifically targeted at different population sectors, including minorities,sometimes produced from within the space <strong>of</strong> the national migrant group as well asthose satellite channels that broadcast from an originary “homeland” or are an <strong>of</strong>fshoot<strong>of</strong> a non-<strong>Europe</strong>an broadcaster for a particular diasporic community acrossthe territorial boundaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>. To take the British Asian communities as anexample, the variety <strong>of</strong> channels to choose from partly depends on residential location;for example, it might include programming aimed at very specific locales,such as that provided for the Asian communities in Leicester by MATV, whichoperates on a Restricted Service Licence. Other channels are oriented toward thedifferent Asian communities in Britain, producing programmes in a number <strong>of</strong> differentAsian languages: Sunrise 24-hour Asian radio is available mainly in Londonand the south-east <strong>of</strong> England, with affiliates in Bradford and Leicester; Asianettelevision is only available on cable through fourteen cable franchises in the UnitedKingdom. Then there are the nationally based, trans-<strong>Europe</strong>an channels such as theIndian-based ZEETV and the recently established (spring 2000) PakistaniTV aswell as the global broadcasters such as Sony Entertainment Television Asia. 1 Thereis also the multicultural programming <strong>of</strong>fered by the public service providers,mainly BBC2 and Channel 4, by which “minority-oriented” programmes like thecurrent affairs series, East, or a cookery programme like Madhur Jaffrey’s Flavours<strong>of</strong> India are watched by the wider community. The most successful recent programmethat began as a minority radio programme and became an immensely populargeneral comedy programme on television was the British/Asian-written, -directed and -performed Goodness Gracious Me.This is a very rapidly changing media environment, which is difficult to map for asingle country, or for a single minority group. In a recent paper Robins and Aksoy(2000) usefully map the range <strong>of</strong> twelve available analogue channels from Turkeyand for Turkish Cypriots in <strong>Europe</strong>, including state broadcasting channels, religiouschannels and privately owned entertainment channels which are now availablethrough satellite and/or cable in many <strong>Europe</strong>an countries, particularly – <strong>of</strong> relevancefor this report – in Belgium, Austria, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.The data <strong>of</strong>ten focuses on a single form <strong>of</strong> media, like television, and forgets theradio, video, Internet and other cultural provision within which most minoritygroups now live. What would be useful is the kind <strong>of</strong> data provided by the excellentRomani media map, 2 which shows the presence <strong>of</strong> a whole range <strong>of</strong> mediaforms across <strong>Europe</strong>: Romani radio stations, Romani programmes on mainstream__________1. See Tsagarousianou, 1999.2. Roma Rights, 1999, No. 4 entitled “Romani media/Mainstream media”.158
Reasearch position paper 6radio, a Romani television station, Romani programmes on mainstream television,Romani periodicals, Romani columns in mainstream publications, NGOs dealingwith Romani media issues, Romani Internet websites, Romani wire service,Romani list serves.The national policy environment not only frames the processes <strong>of</strong> gaining licensesto operate a station but can also have implications for actual content, what may ormay not be broadcast. One controversial decision was the British IndependentTelevision Commission’s closure <strong>of</strong> the Kurdish television channel MED-TV forits supposedly “political” content; it has subsequently reopened as Medya TV(Hassanpour, 1998).Theoretical approachesWhile the contemporary theoretical literature is full <strong>of</strong> evocative tropes andmetaphors <strong>of</strong> dispersion and its psycho-cultural effects which include notions <strong>of</strong>home and homelands; place and displacement, re-placement; feelings <strong>of</strong> longing/belonging;tensions between roots/routes, there exists little in the way <strong>of</strong> clearmodels or categories to think through this material.Appadurai’s well-known “ethnoscape” acknowledges the sense <strong>of</strong> a diaspora asspread across numerous national territorial boundaries, yet connected togetherthrough sophisticated media, producing “diasporic public spheres (…) in whichmigration and mass mediation co-constitute a new sense <strong>of</strong> the global as modernand the modern as global” (Appadurai 1996: 10). A diaspora is not static, and cruciallymay be scattered across a number <strong>of</strong> different national territorial boundaries.Sreberny (2000) has suggested the diasporic gaze may thus be differentiated fromthe exilic gaze, looking back toward the old homeland in nostalgia, or the ethnicgaze, looking inward to the new host environment with longing: the diasporic gaze“scopes the global”, looking all around for its sense <strong>of</strong> fragmented community.Dayan also stresses the dynamic nature <strong>of</strong> the diasporic imagination: “diasporasare incarnations <strong>of</strong> existing discourses, interpretants <strong>of</strong> such discourses, echoes oranticipations <strong>of</strong> historical projects. (…) Their maintenance (…) involves a constantactivity <strong>of</strong> reinvention.” (Dayan, 1998: 110). One issue that is repeatedlyalluded to is a putative tension for migrants between competing loyalties to oldhomes and to new ones, to different “national imaginaries”. Yet that is increasinglyseen as a stale and unfruitful mode <strong>of</strong> analysis. As Hargreaves (forthcoming)has suggested, migrants are “not engaged in a zero sum game. It is quite possibleto feel a heightened sense <strong>of</strong> interest in one society without this necessarily implyingloss <strong>of</strong> involvement in another.”Robins and Aksoy (2000) are rightly critical <strong>of</strong> media analysis that is built on stalerepetition <strong>of</strong> ideas <strong>of</strong> a single national culture, including that entering the<strong>Europe</strong>an cultural space, for example as a single “Turkish” culture. Rather theypropose a view that embraces change and the sense <strong>of</strong> a more porous dynamic culturalenvironment that embraces a cosmopolitan project instead <strong>of</strong> the nationalproject. This echoes a much wider and growing interest in cosmopolitanism, for159
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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Part IDiffering diversities:transve
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The challenge of diversityCulture,
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