<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>the need for more “user friendly” approaches to the procedures that relate to applicationsfor funding support; the need for the standards <strong>of</strong> value that are relevant tothe community concerned – rather than those <strong>of</strong> government agencies – to governcultural programming activities; and the need to find a way <strong>of</strong> balancing and reconcilingoperational autonomy for community-based cultural organisations withmore general requirements <strong>of</strong> public accountability. 1The changing social dynamics <strong>of</strong> diversityQuestions concerning the relations between cultural diversity and public sphereslargely focus on the more or less direct roles played by governments in relation tothose cultural and media institutions and activities which they fund, whetherwholly or in part, and regulate. It would, however, be a mistake to believe that theprospects for diversity depend solely, or even mainly, on what governments can<strong>of</strong>fer by way <strong>of</strong> direct support in these ways. Account needs also to be taken <strong>of</strong> thesocial dynamics <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity as these arise out <strong>of</strong> the measures that themembers <strong>of</strong> minority groups take to maintain an active involvement in their culture,and so keeping it alive and developing, and <strong>of</strong> the range <strong>of</strong> resources they areable to draw on for this purpose. At the same time, these dynamics <strong>of</strong> diversity “onthe ground” have also to be considered in their relations to changing policy horizons.These relations are <strong>of</strong>ten symbiotic ones, with changing dynamics <strong>of</strong> diversityprompting new cultural policy settings and being, in their turn, affected bychanging policy environments.The point can be briefly illustrated with reference to the three stages which –speaking very broadly – have characterised international shifts in policyapproaches to ethnically-marked forms <strong>of</strong> cultural difference over the post-warperiod from, first, support for “ethnic minority” cultures, to, second, multiculturalism,and, third, the approaches <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity. If the first <strong>of</strong> these wasguided by a perception that immigrant communities were in danger <strong>of</strong> losing theirdistinctive cultures without some forms <strong>of</strong> government support, that support wasdirected toward the maintenance <strong>of</strong> ethnic cultures as separate enclaves, disconnectedfrom the national culture and sustained by a social dynamic that was perceivedas an essentially defensive one arising out <strong>of</strong> an embattled relationship tothe host society on the part <strong>of</strong> “ethnic minorities”. Multiculturalism, by contrast,has usually been conceived as a response to criticisms <strong>of</strong> the designation <strong>of</strong> “ethnicminorities” in precisely those terms – as uniquely ethnicised groups committedto separatist cultural strategies – for their role in fostering the belief thatmajorities are somehow not ethnic, or separatist, too. As such, it responds to andseeks to foster a different social dynamic through which, in being more complexlypartitioned, the national culture is viewed as being made up from the independentdevelopmental trajectories <strong>of</strong> different cultures existing side by side and –__________1. There is a rich literature on these issues in Australia where the question <strong>of</strong> separate forms <strong>of</strong> accountabilityhas received considerable attention in relation to the administration <strong>of</strong> cultural associations runand managed by Aborigines. See, for an insightful discussion <strong>of</strong> the issues involved, Rowse, 2000.58
Transversal study on the theme <strong>of</strong> cultural policy and cultural diversityirrespective <strong>of</strong> their size or status in terms <strong>of</strong> histories <strong>of</strong> migration – each beingjudged, at least theoretically, as being <strong>of</strong> equal value. In the current moment <strong>of</strong> culturaldiversity, by contrast, it is the intersections and intermixings <strong>of</strong>, andcrossovers between, different cultural perspectives and traditions that produces thesocial dynamics for forms <strong>of</strong> cultural diversity that constantly interpenetrate oneanother with new and unpredictable consequences. It is this dynamic for diversitythat cultural policies – while still pursuing aspects <strong>of</strong> the earlier phases – are now,in responding to the new conceptual contexts discussed in the previous section(Culture, government and diversity: policy contexts), seeking both to accommodateand to promote.Cultural marketsHowever they are conceived, the social dynamics <strong>of</strong> diversity have to connect with– or be propelled by – market mechanisms if they are to prove sustainable. It is,moreover, through the role they play in providing the conditions in which marketsoperate that governments can enhance the social dynamics for diversity thatemerge out <strong>of</strong> the community and associational life <strong>of</strong> different cultural traditionsand the relations between them. It is arguable in these respects that the connectionsbetween cultural and economic policies bear most directly on cultural diversity.Three contemporary areas <strong>of</strong> concern illustrate the potential significance <strong>of</strong> theseconnections.The first concerns the role <strong>of</strong> “cultural entrepreneurship” in using existing marketsor developing new ones for minority arts and cultural activities. While the term isa new one, there is a long history <strong>of</strong> “cultural entrepreneurship” on the part <strong>of</strong>black artists, perhaps most successfully in the music industries. There is alsoample evidence <strong>of</strong> the respects in which such entrepreneurship can be assisted orfrustrated by the measures governments take in terms <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong> factors: localcultural industry development policies, the regulation <strong>of</strong> sound recording industries,and the regulation <strong>of</strong> playtime for different categories <strong>of</strong> music on nationalbroadcast networks, for example. 1The second concerns the significance <strong>of</strong> connections between cultural diversityand cultural tourism, especially for indigenous peoples whose economies <strong>of</strong>tendepend significantly on the strong appeal that their arts and culture have fortourists as well as for the world art market. It is true that there are many difficultieshere. The risk that cultural diversity, in these circumstances, becomes a form<strong>of</strong> “zoo multiculturalism” in which indigenous cultural production becomes tailoredto the interest in exotica which characterise the tourist gaze is real enough. 2So is the risk that most <strong>of</strong> the financial benefits will go to cultural intermediariesrather than to indigenous cultural producers and communities if intellectual propertystandards and their application are not adjusted to take account <strong>of</strong> the specific__________1. A range <strong>of</strong> relevant issues here is canvassed in the essays collected in Malm, 1992, and in <strong>Bennett</strong>et al., 1993.2. For an assessment <strong>of</strong> these issues across Australia, Canada and New Zealand, see Craik, 1994.59
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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