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The Cult of Tara

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68 MAGIC AND RITUAL IN TIBET<br />

only to those able to invest the time required for the contemplative<br />

training that alone makes one fit to use them. Thus the monastery<br />

acts as a service group— a pool <strong>of</strong> ritual talent—for the lay community,<br />

and suitable recompense in the form <strong>of</strong> food, tea, and<br />

money is given to the monks for any special call upon their pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />

services. <strong>The</strong> relationship is reciprocal, however; the lay<br />

community demands a proportionate return on its investment in<br />

the monastery's support, and lay people are <strong>of</strong>ten quite concerned<br />

that the monks maintain the moral character necessary for the<br />

success <strong>of</strong> the ritual.<br />

Within the life <strong>of</strong> the monastic community both ritual approaches<br />

play an important role: all the rituals <strong>of</strong> the afternoon assembly<br />

(that is, the prayers to the various protectors) are rituals <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fering;<br />

all the rituals for the high patron deities in the morning assembly<br />

(including the short "hidden treasure" ritual for <strong>Tara</strong>) are rituals <strong>of</strong><br />

evocation. In addition, all the great annual ceremonies <strong>of</strong> the monastic<br />

cult are evocations; for example, the afternoon prayer to the<br />

Four-handed Lord is an <strong>of</strong>fering, but his annual ritual is an evocation;<br />

and every ritual for the high patron deity Cakrasamvara,<br />

whether performed daily, monthly, or annually, is an evocation.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are other important and occasional rituals <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fering: the<br />

<strong>of</strong>fering to the gurus on death anniversaries, the <strong>of</strong>ferings to the<br />

sixteen Worthy Ones on the morning <strong>of</strong> New Years' Day, and<br />

the death ritual <strong>of</strong> the "great liberation."<br />

<strong>The</strong>se two approaches to the deity <strong>of</strong>ten symbolize a difference in<br />

the practitioner's psychological distance from the deity's power.<br />

<strong>The</strong> rituals <strong>of</strong> evocation are more clearly soteriological or manipulatory<br />

in intent: the practitioner is the deity, and gains thereby<br />

godlike magical attainments to understand and control reality. <strong>The</strong><br />

rituals <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fering are performed, for the most part, to thank the<br />

deity (as a power beyond the practitioner) for favors received, or to<br />

pray for future kindness. <strong>The</strong> distance is most clear in the <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

quite blatant bribery and coercion <strong>of</strong> the lower oath-bound protectors;<br />

in the case <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tara</strong>, one informant preferred the simile <strong>of</strong> a<br />

mother granting favors to a son who had pleased her.<br />

THE CONTEMPLATIVE PROCESS<br />

In both ritual approaches the divine power must be given form<br />

from the womb <strong>of</strong> Emptiness and directed to a specific locus; the

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