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EPA Review Annex Documents - DFID

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spent for these impact assessment studies and validation workshops. The cost of the<br />

studies was financed by the PMU.<br />

Table 7 Negotiating costs<br />

Type<br />

Calculation Estimated cost in<br />

USD<br />

Travel/Air ticket (number of meetings X<br />

estimated cost X number of participants)<br />

180x1500x2 $540,000<br />

Hotel (number of meetings X estimated<br />

cost X number of days X number of<br />

participants)<br />

180x100x4x2 $144,000<br />

Per Diem (number of meetings X 180 X 70 X 4 X 2 $100,800<br />

estimated cost X number of days X<br />

number of participants)<br />

Total estimate for non-RNF negotiations $784,800<br />

For RNF negotiation $78,480<br />

Grand estimate<br />

Source : Author’s own calculations<br />

$863,200<br />

Estimated total costs<br />

The estimated costs of <strong>EPA</strong> negotiations are around $1.2 million. These do not include<br />

the labour costs of preparing and participating in the negotiations.<br />

Cost-benefit analysis of counterfactual costs<br />

A proper account of the resources required for the <strong>EPA</strong> negotiations requires taking into<br />

consideration the expected benefits from the process, as well as the costs and benefits<br />

from alternative options. This is an extremely challenging task, since for some of the<br />

benefits and costs we have detailed calculations from existing evidence and the case<br />

studies, while for other elements such as the impact of liberalising services under <strong>EPA</strong>s<br />

or intangible elements such as enhancing or worsening regional integration<br />

quantification may be extremely complex. As a result, we aim to provide some indicative<br />

value of the expected benefits and costs for the different options, rather than a concrete<br />

figure. Despite the fact that trade policy decisions depend on a large number of factors,<br />

sometimes unrelated to the expected benefits, the cost-benefit exercise is extremely<br />

important because helps us to judge whether some of the trade policy decisions taken<br />

by negotiating <strong>EPA</strong>s or other agreements make economic sense.<br />

In the case of Ethiopia, the main counterfactual option to <strong>EPA</strong>s was to remain on EBA<br />

without further engaging in <strong>EPA</strong> negotiations. Nevertheless, the Ethiopian government<br />

never considered this as a realistic option. This is despite the fact that in the contrast to<br />

other countries that were concerned about the uncertainty around EBA/GSP, the<br />

possibility of EBA removal was not seen as a credible threat by the Ethiopian<br />

government.<br />

Instead, the perception was that the lessons learnt from EBA and Lomé/Cotonou<br />

preferential access provisions indicated that the net impact on development had been<br />

insignificant overall. Therefore, it was expected that to make the <strong>EPA</strong> more attractive to<br />

the LDCs the EC would provide technical assistance and resources to enhance<br />

competitiveness of different sectors of ESA member countries. Accordingly, the<br />

70

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