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EPA Review Annex Documents - DFID

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implementing different tariff schedules. In addition, the signing of interim agreements by<br />

only some members of some regional grouping has created some tension, as<br />

manifested in the Ethiopian case study. Nevertheless, it would not be reasonable to<br />

associate these tensions uniquely to the <strong>EPA</strong> process. More likely, the <strong>EPA</strong> experience<br />

only shows the serious underlying problems in some regional groupings to credibly<br />

implement their regional commitments and advance in their regional integration<br />

processes.<br />

Cost-benefit analysis of counterfactual options<br />

This is perhaps one of the most important elements of the study, since an intensive use<br />

of resources would be justified in the case of the <strong>EPA</strong>s bringing about large benefits.<br />

The analysis of the case studies gives us a diverse picture. For the case of the D.R.<br />

there are clear benefits of <strong>EPA</strong>s as compared to GSP. This is due to loss of preferences<br />

in GSP in key products and benefits from trade creation in an economy where trade<br />

diversion and revenue loss has been minimised with the DR-CAFTA.<br />

In the case of Nigeria, GSP+ could have provided additional market access at almost<br />

zero costs of negotiation and negligible adjustment costs. However, it has been rejected<br />

twice. In addition, due to its large tariff barriers, there are potential large benefits from<br />

domestic liberalisation and trade creation under <strong>EPA</strong> that would probably outweigh the<br />

adjustment costs.<br />

The analysis for Ethiopia is clearly different. While EBA guarantees full coverage of<br />

exports at zero costs of negotiation, more than $1.2 million has been spent of<br />

negotiating <strong>EPA</strong>s with uncertain outcome. Trade diversion and adjustment costs are<br />

likely to be large if implementing the <strong>EPA</strong>s. This implies that EBA could be a better<br />

option for Ethiopia in economic terms. However, binding development finance for supply<br />

constraints and adjustment within an <strong>EPA</strong> agreement and commitments on services<br />

could make <strong>EPA</strong>s an option with larger benefits.<br />

Perceptions on trade and non-trade related content of the <strong>EPA</strong>s<br />

It is clear from the case studies that for Ethiopia and Nigeria their main objective during<br />

the negotiations have been binding funding for adjustment and enhancing supply<br />

capacity. While this objective may be justified, it is quite striking the perception that<br />

<strong>EPA</strong>s and other trade related issues will not bring any significant additional benefits in<br />

specific areas. For example, there is a clear lack of interest on services liberalisation,<br />

mainly due to defensive reasons. Despite the broader scope for <strong>EPA</strong>s, including binding<br />

funds in the agreements remains as the most important issue to conclude an agreement.<br />

Staff incentives<br />

Without doubting about the commitment of trade negotiators towards defending their<br />

own policy objectives, it is worrying the financial incentive problems that per diems<br />

introduce. The average salary of ministry staff involved in negotiations in Ethiopia and<br />

Nigeria is around $400, while per diem where estimated in around $70 or $200<br />

depending on whether the hotel was included. This creates a large financial incentive for<br />

travelling to negotiations or training courses, which may be reinforced in the case of<br />

<strong>EPA</strong>s when negotiations are so travel intensive.<br />

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