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FILSAFAT KORUPSI - Direktori File UPI

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strains. Democratization may breed corruption and crime if it is accompanied by a weakening of<br />

state controls and confusion among the population about proper behavior in a context of increased<br />

freedom.<br />

28<br />

Similarly, especially in the transition economies, the shift from central planning to the<br />

market may lead to monetary corruption as a replacement for the system of administered benefits<br />

based on connections. The market replaces many former administrative decisions, but the state<br />

remains a source of important benefits and costs (Miller, Grødeland, and Koshechkina, 2001, Rose-<br />

Ackerman, 1994). A key issue for reformers is to identify particular sources of strain and to act to<br />

prevent transitional problems from producing major long-term distortions.<br />

Several groups of researchers have carried out surveys in Eastern and Central Europe to<br />

assess public attitudes, beliefs, and behavior. The work considers both citizens‘ views of<br />

democracy and their attitudes toward and experience with public officials. The work consists of<br />

focus groups, in-depth interviews, and questionnaires. I will concentrate mostly on the<br />

questionnaires, but the results seem broadly consistent across methodologies. There are two major<br />

sources of questionnaire data. The first, ―New Democracies Barometers,‖ have been carried out by<br />

the Paul Lazerfeld Society, Vienna, and most fully analyzed by the Centre for the Study of Public<br />

Policy (CSPP) at the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow, Scotland, under its director Richard<br />

Rose. The latest survey covers eleven countries in Eastern and Central Europe. Comparable surveys<br />

28<br />

See Verheijen and Dimitrova (1997) on the special problems facing the civil service in post-socialist<br />

countries.<br />

108<br />

Page 29<br />

29<br />

have also been carried out for Russia.<br />

29<br />

The second collection of data from questionnaires,<br />

interviews and focus groups has been analyzed by William Miller, Åse B. Grødeland, and Tatyana Y.<br />

Koshechkina (2001). Most of their work is based on data gathered between the end of 1997 and<br />

early 1998 from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Ukraine. The countries were chosen to<br />

represent a range of experience with the Czech Republic and Ukraine at opposite extremes and<br />

Slovakia and Bulgaria taking up intermediate positions along an axis measuring the degree of<br />

reform. Their work focuses on corruption, but it has broader implications for understanding<br />

people‘s perceptions of and experience with public officials.<br />

30<br />

We know much less about the<br />

countries of Central Asia, but World Bank research on poverty, corruption, and state capture<br />

includes some material on that region (Hellman, Jones, and Kaufmann, 2000; World Bank 2000a,<br />

2000b).<br />

A. Citizens’ Views of Government<br />

The survey evidence indicates both positive and negative views of the new regimes. The<br />

most systematic data have been gathered countries on Central and Eastern Europe including Russia.<br />

One way to see the range of opinion is to consider answers to the ―Barometer‖ surveys for Russia<br />

and eleven countries in transition in Europe.<br />

31<br />

In 1998 these surveys showed that a large majority,<br />

usually between 70 and 90 percent, feel freer today than under the previous regime (Rose and<br />

Haerpfer, 1998a: 54-55, Rose and Shin, 1998:11-12, Rose 2000:23-24). At the low end of the<br />

spectrum are Belarus, Ukraine, and the countries created out of the former Yugoslavia, but even in<br />

those countries a summary measure indicates that a majority thinks that freedom has increased<br />

along at least three of the five dimensions considered. Of course, these answers reflect both the<br />

current situation and the repressiveness of the old regime which was relatively more open in the<br />

former Yugoslavia compared with other East Bloc countries. Thus Romania experienced the largest<br />

changes in freedom although few observers would characterize it as most free relative to other

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