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FILSAFAT KORUPSI - Direktori File UPI

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same kind of administrative and procedural reforms, and were also surveyed jointly with 100<br />

lawyers and 200 firms all bringing cases before these same courts. In Venezuela, 10 judges in<br />

pilot courts were surveyed jointly with 160 lawyers and 300 firms all bringing cases before<br />

the surveyed courts. In both these cases, Ecuador and Venezuela, surveys of judges and<br />

attorneys were conducted four years before and three years after the implementation of<br />

reforms.<br />

The survey measures the frequency of the types of corruption mentioned above in Table 1<br />

according to the separate perception of judges, attorneys, and litigant firms in the most<br />

common types of commercial cases: bankruptcy, debt collection, and breach of business<br />

contracts.<br />

It is noteworthy that, within each country and during the period under consideration, the<br />

sample of courts did not experience significant changes in backlogs and our analysis controls<br />

for per capita budgetary allocations. All these courts were under the same judge during the<br />

period under consideration: 1990-99. At the same time, the courts sampled here showed no<br />

changes in the number and functional structure of their personnel during the period 1990-98<br />

in Argentina, 1990-99 in Ecuador, and the period 1990-98 in Venezuela.<br />

As part of these reforms, most administrative tasks were taken away from each court and<br />

allocated to an Administrative Support Office (ASO) shared by the pilot courts in each<br />

country. These ASO took away all budget and service–related money transactions from court<br />

personnel. At the same time, legal procedures were streamlined and orally-based; external<br />

control and disciplinary measures and inspections were for the first time introduced through<br />

regional judicial councils.<br />

A jurimetric study of corruption within the judiciary can provide a good ground for testing the<br />

five hypotheses stated above. The period under consideration has been divided into two sub-<br />

periods separated by the enactment of a landmark administrative and procedural pilot reforms<br />

of the judiciaries in 1994-95 in Argentina and Venezuela and in 1992-94 in Ecuador. The first<br />

sub period running between 1990 and 1994 in Argentina and Venezuela, occurs under an<br />

older and more complex procedural civil code and with a complete absence of administrative<br />

written guidelines and supervision. This first period in the three countries under consideration<br />

is characterized by highly decentralized administrative practices with the handling of all<br />

procedures in the hands of each court (and sometimes just in the hands of a law clerk with<br />

complete and unchecked administrative and adjudicational discretion). During the first sub<br />

period before reforms were implemented, the judge and/or law clerk had extreme discretion<br />

over all administrative functions (operational budget, strategic planning, personnel<br />

management, supply requests, simple and complex archival tasks, and the handling of court<br />

fees) and were not subject to or expected any outside inspections. This initial period is also<br />

An Economic and Jurimetric Analysis of Official Corruption in the Courts<br />

11<br />

characterized by the relative lack of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms applied to<br />

commercial cases in both countries.<br />

In contrast, during the period 1995-99 we observe that these pilot courts were all subject to<br />

new rules and to structural changes brought by a new and a much more simplified oral-based<br />

procedural code, coupled with a more centralized management of the court system where a<br />

specialized type of "court managers" in charge of personnel and budget-related administrative<br />

duties were allowed to work within Administrative Support Offices (ASOs) shared by 5 to 10<br />

courts (the number of courts sharing these services depends on the subject matter and country<br />

involved). Additionally, computer-based online corruption reporting systems were first<br />

introduced, thus generating distrust between potentially corrupt court personnel and those<br />

offering bribes. In this context, whistleblowers are for the first time protected by law and<br />

publicly portrayed as “model citizens” before the press.<br />

1<br />

Therefore, this new period brought an enhanced predictability and transparency before the<br />

public in the performance and supervision of administrative functions. Moreover, the internal<br />

179<br />

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