FILSAFAT KORUPSI - Direktori File UPI
FILSAFAT KORUPSI - Direktori File UPI
FILSAFAT KORUPSI - Direktori File UPI
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same kind of administrative and procedural reforms, and were also surveyed jointly with 100<br />
lawyers and 200 firms all bringing cases before these same courts. In Venezuela, 10 judges in<br />
pilot courts were surveyed jointly with 160 lawyers and 300 firms all bringing cases before<br />
the surveyed courts. In both these cases, Ecuador and Venezuela, surveys of judges and<br />
attorneys were conducted four years before and three years after the implementation of<br />
reforms.<br />
The survey measures the frequency of the types of corruption mentioned above in Table 1<br />
according to the separate perception of judges, attorneys, and litigant firms in the most<br />
common types of commercial cases: bankruptcy, debt collection, and breach of business<br />
contracts.<br />
It is noteworthy that, within each country and during the period under consideration, the<br />
sample of courts did not experience significant changes in backlogs and our analysis controls<br />
for per capita budgetary allocations. All these courts were under the same judge during the<br />
period under consideration: 1990-99. At the same time, the courts sampled here showed no<br />
changes in the number and functional structure of their personnel during the period 1990-98<br />
in Argentina, 1990-99 in Ecuador, and the period 1990-98 in Venezuela.<br />
As part of these reforms, most administrative tasks were taken away from each court and<br />
allocated to an Administrative Support Office (ASO) shared by the pilot courts in each<br />
country. These ASO took away all budget and service–related money transactions from court<br />
personnel. At the same time, legal procedures were streamlined and orally-based; external<br />
control and disciplinary measures and inspections were for the first time introduced through<br />
regional judicial councils.<br />
A jurimetric study of corruption within the judiciary can provide a good ground for testing the<br />
five hypotheses stated above. The period under consideration has been divided into two sub-<br />
periods separated by the enactment of a landmark administrative and procedural pilot reforms<br />
of the judiciaries in 1994-95 in Argentina and Venezuela and in 1992-94 in Ecuador. The first<br />
sub period running between 1990 and 1994 in Argentina and Venezuela, occurs under an<br />
older and more complex procedural civil code and with a complete absence of administrative<br />
written guidelines and supervision. This first period in the three countries under consideration<br />
is characterized by highly decentralized administrative practices with the handling of all<br />
procedures in the hands of each court (and sometimes just in the hands of a law clerk with<br />
complete and unchecked administrative and adjudicational discretion). During the first sub<br />
period before reforms were implemented, the judge and/or law clerk had extreme discretion<br />
over all administrative functions (operational budget, strategic planning, personnel<br />
management, supply requests, simple and complex archival tasks, and the handling of court<br />
fees) and were not subject to or expected any outside inspections. This initial period is also<br />
An Economic and Jurimetric Analysis of Official Corruption in the Courts<br />
11<br />
characterized by the relative lack of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms applied to<br />
commercial cases in both countries.<br />
In contrast, during the period 1995-99 we observe that these pilot courts were all subject to<br />
new rules and to structural changes brought by a new and a much more simplified oral-based<br />
procedural code, coupled with a more centralized management of the court system where a<br />
specialized type of "court managers" in charge of personnel and budget-related administrative<br />
duties were allowed to work within Administrative Support Offices (ASOs) shared by 5 to 10<br />
courts (the number of courts sharing these services depends on the subject matter and country<br />
involved). Additionally, computer-based online corruption reporting systems were first<br />
introduced, thus generating distrust between potentially corrupt court personnel and those<br />
offering bribes. In this context, whistleblowers are for the first time protected by law and<br />
publicly portrayed as “model citizens” before the press.<br />
1<br />
Therefore, this new period brought an enhanced predictability and transparency before the<br />
public in the performance and supervision of administrative functions. Moreover, the internal<br />
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