Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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<strong>the</strong> KPD – even now – is not about peace or property but about<br />
democracy. The KPD has always opposed <strong>the</strong> Weimar democracy,<br />
which was essentially based on social democratic ideas. The strong<br />
st<strong>and</strong> against Bolshevism in German social democracy, which<br />
counted distinguished Menshevik émigrés from Russia among its<br />
members, is underst<strong>and</strong>able in this context.<br />
rom <strong>the</strong> early 1920s, German social democracy faced <strong>the</strong> danger<br />
<strong>of</strong> Fascism in Italy <strong>and</strong>, soon after, <strong>the</strong> danger <strong>of</strong> National Socialism<br />
in its own country. Many social democratic views were certainly<br />
variations on very simple Marxist interpretations. However, social<br />
democrats also produced some very clear exposés <strong>of</strong> National Socialism.<br />
Also, <strong>the</strong> Social Democratic Party certainly opposed National<br />
Socialism as no o<strong>the</strong>r democratic party did in <strong>the</strong> final phase<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Weimar Republic – although <strong>the</strong>re has been some discussion<br />
in this connection as to whe<strong>the</strong>r it showed sufficient determination.<br />
The double st<strong>and</strong> found expression in social democratic positions<br />
which can be described as early forms <strong>of</strong> totalitarianism <strong>the</strong>ory.<br />
Prominent German social democrats not only spoke out strongly<br />
against totalitarianism on both right <strong>and</strong> left but also emphasised<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y had much in common. As <strong>the</strong> important <strong>the</strong>orist, Karl Kautsky,<br />
put it: ‘Fascism is nothing but a counterpart <strong>of</strong> Bolshevism,<br />
Mussolini is simply aping Lenin’ (1930). At <strong>the</strong> party conference in<br />
Leipzig in 1931, Otto Wels described Bolshevism <strong>and</strong> Fascism as<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>and</strong> Rudolf Breitscheid explained in a key speech that in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Fascist <strong>and</strong> communist systems – unlike democracy – supreme<br />
power was vested in <strong>the</strong> state <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> right to determine political<br />
opinion did not rest with all citizens but with certain individuals or<br />
with a privileged minority: ‘As regards <strong>the</strong> effect on constitutional<br />
law’, Breitscheid explained, ‘<strong>the</strong>re is no difference between Moscow<br />
<strong>and</strong> Rome’.<br />
The social democrats were aware that <strong>the</strong> Mensheviks were being<br />
persecuted in Russia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> socialists in Italy, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y duly<br />
protested. After <strong>the</strong> National <strong>Socialists</strong> took over, <strong>the</strong>y became <strong>the</strong><br />
preferred target <strong>of</strong> National Socialist persecution in Germany – next<br />
to <strong>the</strong> communists, oddly enough (both were regarded as ‘Marxists’).<br />
Social democrats fled abroad, small groups put up some<br />
resistance, most party members just tried to survive <strong>and</strong> keep in<br />
115 Bernd Faulenbach