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Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...

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esisted <strong>the</strong>m in many cases. The overwhelming majority also<br />

distanced <strong>the</strong>mselves from Soviet communism. However, <strong>the</strong> main<br />

opposition to <strong>the</strong> National Socialist policy <strong>of</strong> conquest <strong>and</strong> extermination,<br />

which compelled <strong>the</strong> western powers to form a coalition<br />

with <strong>the</strong> Stalinist Soviet Union, temporarily eclipsed <strong>the</strong> differences<br />

between <strong>the</strong> socialists <strong>and</strong> communists in many places.<br />

Anti-totalitarianism in <strong>the</strong> post-war period<br />

The innumerable sacrifices made by <strong>the</strong> communists <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> peoples<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union in <strong>the</strong> battle against National Socialist Germany<br />

undoubtedly established <strong>the</strong> communist reputation for a time<br />

– despite <strong>the</strong> show trials <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hitler-Stalin pact. But this only<br />

masked <strong>the</strong> difference between communist dictatorship <strong>and</strong><br />

democracy. And it very soon became impossible to ignore <strong>the</strong> dark<br />

side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> liberation <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe by <strong>the</strong> Red Army, especially<br />

where <strong>the</strong>re were stirrings <strong>of</strong> national independence.<br />

As far as <strong>the</strong> labour movement is concerned, <strong>the</strong>re were hopes at<br />

first in many places – in Germany <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r European countries –<br />

that <strong>the</strong> divisions in <strong>the</strong> labour movement between social democrats<br />

<strong>and</strong> communists could be overcome once again. But this would<br />

have required <strong>the</strong> communists to make a real effort to come to<br />

terms with democracy, <strong>and</strong> those who followed <strong>the</strong> Moscow line<br />

were not prepared to do so at <strong>the</strong> time.<br />

German social democracy felt <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> this at a very early<br />

stage. In March 1946, social democrats in <strong>the</strong> Soviet occupation<br />

zone were obliged by a combination <strong>of</strong> force, deception <strong>and</strong> intimidation,<br />

<strong>and</strong> with absolutely no choice in <strong>the</strong> matter, to join with <strong>the</strong><br />

KPD to form <strong>the</strong> Socialist Unity Party, or SED. In this context <strong>and</strong><br />

in <strong>the</strong> years that followed, social democrats were persecuted in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir thous<strong>and</strong>s. Of course, <strong>the</strong> new party formally brought <strong>the</strong> communists<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> social democrats toge<strong>the</strong>r but before long – at latest<br />

with <strong>the</strong> SED’s transformation into a new kind <strong>of</strong> party, based<br />

on <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> executive authority among o<strong>the</strong>r things – social<br />

democrats who sought to retain <strong>the</strong>ir identity in <strong>the</strong> Unity Party were<br />

excluded, arrested, deported, or forced to flee to <strong>the</strong> West.<br />

The social democratic parties in Eastern Europe suffered a similar<br />

fate, though it took different forms in some cases – as regards <strong>the</strong><br />

117 Bernd Faulenbach

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