Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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There are many examples <strong>of</strong> historians mixing political preferences<br />
with historical judgements. Martin Sabrow illustrates this in his article<br />
on <strong>the</strong> German experience. Sometimes historians play judge<br />
in self-constructed courts <strong>of</strong> <strong>history</strong> <strong>and</strong> many have warned against<br />
this. Hobsbawm, for instance, remarked: “I <strong>use</strong>d to think that <strong>the</strong><br />
pr<strong>of</strong>ession <strong>of</strong> <strong>history</strong>, unlike that <strong>of</strong>, say, nuclear physics, could at<br />
least do no harm. Now I know it can”. Hobsbawm, however, does<br />
not reject <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> partisanship. He acknowledges that historians<br />
have political views <strong>and</strong> religious beliefs that influence <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
research <strong>and</strong> writing. Hobsbawm, a communist, believes that historians<br />
can <strong>and</strong> should contribute to a ca<strong>use</strong> if <strong>the</strong>y do so using<br />
proper historical methods. For him, contributing to positive change<br />
is <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> scientists.<br />
Polish historian Andrzej Friszke points to <strong>the</strong> dual <strong>use</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>history</strong>:<br />
“By its very nature, <strong>history</strong>, <strong>and</strong> especially recent <strong>history</strong>, is a very<br />
particular branch <strong>of</strong> learning. It exists in an uneasy relationship with<br />
<strong>the</strong> memories <strong>of</strong> those involved in <strong>the</strong> events concerned. It can play<br />
an important role in ei<strong>the</strong>r legitimising or challenging a contemporary<br />
state, its regime <strong>and</strong> ruling class”<br />
Martin Sabrow warns that if <strong>the</strong> cooperation between politicians<br />
<strong>and</strong> historians is too close, it might be harmful: “I do not wish to<br />
recommend a diminution <strong>of</strong> political interest in <strong>the</strong> <strong>past</strong>. However,<br />
<strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>history</strong> <strong>and</strong> politics can develop into a fatal<br />
friendship <strong>of</strong>fering <strong>the</strong> reward <strong>of</strong> public attention <strong>and</strong> moral esteem<br />
whilst destroying <strong>the</strong> radical independence <strong>of</strong> historical research<br />
<strong>and</strong> its disposition to rethink <strong>history</strong>.”<br />
Dutch Historian Wim van Meurs comments: “Debates on <strong>the</strong> <strong>use</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> ab<strong>use</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>history</strong> in politics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> separation <strong>of</strong> objectionable<br />
partisan views from historical interpretations that are expected to<br />
promote values <strong>of</strong> democracy, individual freedom <strong>and</strong> national identification<br />
are inherently political.” He points out that <strong>the</strong> art <strong>of</strong> politics<br />
is compromise while <strong>the</strong> essence <strong>of</strong> academia is contrasting<br />
diverging positions.<br />
Pierre Hassner analyses <strong>the</strong> manipulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>history</strong> in several countries<br />
<strong>and</strong> asks himself: “This imposition from above can only be challenged<br />
by <strong>the</strong> reaffirmation, individual <strong>and</strong> collective, <strong>of</strong><br />
Solzhenitsyn’s <strong>and</strong> Havel’s commitment to live in truth, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
17 Jan Marinus Wiersma