Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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historical knowledge among <strong>the</strong> younger generations <strong>of</strong> Latvians,<br />
twentieth century <strong>history</strong> is still too rooted in identities <strong>and</strong> personal<br />
histories to be entirely forgotten. A lapse in <strong>the</strong> knowledge <strong>of</strong> historical<br />
facts would be easily replaced by <strong>history</strong> myths – most likely<br />
<strong>of</strong> a nationalist kind. Just like collective remembrance, collective<br />
oblivion presupposes tweaking historical identities <strong>and</strong> that is<br />
bound to add to <strong>the</strong> problem instead <strong>of</strong> solving it. Both making people<br />
remember correctly <strong>and</strong> making <strong>the</strong>m forget are unsustainable<br />
social engineering projects in an open society.<br />
The third option is that <strong>of</strong> collective reflection. This would not, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> foreseeable future, lead to a broader <strong>and</strong> universal notion that<br />
incorporates <strong>the</strong> different personal histories <strong>and</strong> identities <strong>of</strong> Latvians.<br />
One can indeed hope that, at some point, Latvians <strong>of</strong> various<br />
extractions may come to see <strong>the</strong>ir histories as common <strong>history</strong>.<br />
There is a vast array <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes where a sense <strong>of</strong> commonality can<br />
be created naturally as a common present becomes a common<br />
<strong>past</strong>. But for a long time to come, diversity management is <strong>the</strong> order<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day: accept <strong>the</strong> diversity <strong>of</strong> perspectives, encourage <strong>the</strong>ir interpretation<br />
in a compatibility mode. Let <strong>the</strong>re be multiple histories<br />
– multiple histories are not necessarily irreconcilable. Refusal to<br />
<strong>use</strong> <strong>the</strong> word occupation does not amount to political disloyalty;<br />
unwillingness to celebrate Victory Day in Riga does not make one<br />
a Nazi revanchist. This can be a frustrating <strong>and</strong> discomforting<br />
exercise at times, but <strong>the</strong> alternatives are worse. Along with learning<br />
<strong>history</strong>, Latvians have to learn to live with seeing it differently. Any<br />
collective reflection over <strong>history</strong> should start with mutual acknowledgement<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> initial historical perspectives. Just as importantly,<br />
<strong>history</strong> should finally be decoupled from today’s ethno-linguistic<br />
issues <strong>and</strong> differences. Such differences should be addressed<br />
through direct negotiation <strong>of</strong> interests <strong>and</strong> positions without seeking<br />
to undermine each o<strong>the</strong>r’s legitimacy with historical arguments.<br />
This option is only likely to work if Latvian society recognises its<br />
real problem with <strong>history</strong> is not historical identities, but political<br />
practices. Latvians need to become a civic nation, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y can<br />
only do so by taking <strong>the</strong> multicultural step. Put very simply, this<br />
would mean recognising not just <strong>the</strong> obvious diversity, but also <strong>the</strong><br />
legitimacy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> different political interests it brings about – be it<br />
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