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Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...

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17 th century, <strong>the</strong>re have been external attempts at transforming Russia<br />

which were all counter-productive. Despite this, <strong>the</strong>y continue.<br />

Of course, someone sitting by <strong>the</strong> Potomac devising plans to tear<br />

Ukraine away from Russia <strong>and</strong> to undermine Russian imperialism<br />

may see this differently. One should realise, however, that such<br />

plans are not experiments undertaken under laboratory conditions,<br />

but have an impact on those people who live next to Russia.<br />

The consequences are already being felt acutely in Lithuania, right<br />

on <strong>the</strong> frontline with Russia. In <strong>the</strong> public arena in Lithuania, Russia<br />

is presented as <strong>the</strong> evil empire. The political <strong>and</strong> moral basis for<br />

presenting Russia in this way is <strong>of</strong>ten dubious: after all, Lithuania is<br />

markedly dependent on this apparently ‘evil’ empire for energy <strong>and</strong><br />

culture. Russia, in turn, has put in place a strategy <strong>of</strong> economic <strong>and</strong><br />

energy blockades, perhaps even strangulation, with regard to<br />

Lithuania. The key threats resulting from this escalating confrontation,<br />

that I want to stress here, are not so much economic or even<br />

military but ra<strong>the</strong>r psychological.<br />

National identity games<br />

Lithuania has become one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prime movers behind <strong>the</strong> plan<br />

to separate Ukraine from its ties to Russia. In practice this is an essential<br />

revision <strong>of</strong> Lithuanian collective memory <strong>and</strong> a movement<br />

away from <strong>the</strong> <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, as something <strong>of</strong><br />

worth. It is an attempt to resuscitate old imperial traditions. Of<br />

course, <strong>the</strong> <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founding <strong>of</strong> modern Lithuania is not something<br />

we can always be proud <strong>of</strong>. The painful peasants’ revolt at<br />

<strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20 th century, <strong>the</strong> battle for Vilnius between <strong>the</strong><br />

wars – infamous throughout <strong>the</strong> world – <strong>the</strong> Holocaust <strong>and</strong> finally<br />

<strong>the</strong> fifty years spent in <strong>the</strong> Soviet camp left very deep wounds in our<br />

historical memory. It would, however, be complete nonsense to think<br />

that no new characteristic Lithuanian national identity took shape in<br />

over a century <strong>of</strong> modernisation.<br />

Lithuanians clearly demonstrated maturity <strong>and</strong> a powerful sense <strong>of</strong><br />

identity in <strong>the</strong>ir break for freedom between 1988 <strong>and</strong> 1991 when<br />

<strong>the</strong>y dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> right to self-determination. The result was guaranteed<br />

recognition by <strong>the</strong> international community. But once <strong>the</strong>se<br />

events had taken place, some ra<strong>the</strong>r strange things started to hap-<br />

126

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