Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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17 th century, <strong>the</strong>re have been external attempts at transforming Russia<br />
which were all counter-productive. Despite this, <strong>the</strong>y continue.<br />
Of course, someone sitting by <strong>the</strong> Potomac devising plans to tear<br />
Ukraine away from Russia <strong>and</strong> to undermine Russian imperialism<br />
may see this differently. One should realise, however, that such<br />
plans are not experiments undertaken under laboratory conditions,<br />
but have an impact on those people who live next to Russia.<br />
The consequences are already being felt acutely in Lithuania, right<br />
on <strong>the</strong> frontline with Russia. In <strong>the</strong> public arena in Lithuania, Russia<br />
is presented as <strong>the</strong> evil empire. The political <strong>and</strong> moral basis for<br />
presenting Russia in this way is <strong>of</strong>ten dubious: after all, Lithuania is<br />
markedly dependent on this apparently ‘evil’ empire for energy <strong>and</strong><br />
culture. Russia, in turn, has put in place a strategy <strong>of</strong> economic <strong>and</strong><br />
energy blockades, perhaps even strangulation, with regard to<br />
Lithuania. The key threats resulting from this escalating confrontation,<br />
that I want to stress here, are not so much economic or even<br />
military but ra<strong>the</strong>r psychological.<br />
National identity games<br />
Lithuania has become one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prime movers behind <strong>the</strong> plan<br />
to separate Ukraine from its ties to Russia. In practice this is an essential<br />
revision <strong>of</strong> Lithuanian collective memory <strong>and</strong> a movement<br />
away from <strong>the</strong> <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, as something <strong>of</strong><br />
worth. It is an attempt to resuscitate old imperial traditions. Of<br />
course, <strong>the</strong> <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founding <strong>of</strong> modern Lithuania is not something<br />
we can always be proud <strong>of</strong>. The painful peasants’ revolt at<br />
<strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20 th century, <strong>the</strong> battle for Vilnius between <strong>the</strong><br />
wars – infamous throughout <strong>the</strong> world – <strong>the</strong> Holocaust <strong>and</strong> finally<br />
<strong>the</strong> fifty years spent in <strong>the</strong> Soviet camp left very deep wounds in our<br />
historical memory. It would, however, be complete nonsense to think<br />
that no new characteristic Lithuanian national identity took shape in<br />
over a century <strong>of</strong> modernisation.<br />
Lithuanians clearly demonstrated maturity <strong>and</strong> a powerful sense <strong>of</strong><br />
identity in <strong>the</strong>ir break for freedom between 1988 <strong>and</strong> 1991 when<br />
<strong>the</strong>y dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> right to self-determination. The result was guaranteed<br />
recognition by <strong>the</strong> international community. But once <strong>the</strong>se<br />
events had taken place, some ra<strong>the</strong>r strange things started to hap-<br />
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