Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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<strong>the</strong> Slovak nation. Slovak historical consciousness also has a very<br />
critical, negative perception <strong>of</strong> inter-war Magyar revisionism, signalled<br />
by <strong>the</strong> slogan ‘We want everything back!’, which resulted in<br />
<strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> Slovakia’s sou<strong>the</strong>rn territory, a decision made by two totalitarian<br />
powers – Germany <strong>and</strong> Italy – in <strong>the</strong> Vienna Arbitration <strong>of</strong><br />
2 November 1938. And Slovakia has an equally critical perception<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> behaviour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hungarian authorities towards <strong>the</strong> Slovak<br />
ethnic minority in <strong>the</strong> ‘arbitration territory’ from 1938 to 1945.<br />
These are <strong>the</strong> main historical reasons why, to this day, little empathy<br />
is felt from <strong>the</strong> Slovak side towards such sensitive Hungarian<br />
concerns as <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> a large part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> old Hungary<br />
after its disintegration in 1918, an experience that remains<br />
painful <strong>and</strong> hard to stomach. Nor is <strong>the</strong> Slovak side particularly responsive<br />
to <strong>the</strong> grievances <strong>of</strong> ethnic Hungarians living in Slovakia<br />
about <strong>the</strong>ir experience <strong>of</strong> collective retribution by <strong>the</strong> re-established<br />
Czechoslovak state in <strong>the</strong> post-war period (1945-1948). On <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, it is true that atonement for <strong>the</strong> second <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se was<br />
made immediately after <strong>the</strong> incriminating years, in particular with<br />
education, by re-establishing Hungarian language classes, <strong>and</strong> with<br />
<strong>the</strong> gradual renewal <strong>of</strong> Hungarian cultural institutions. We should<br />
not conceal <strong>the</strong> fact that, for a significant number <strong>of</strong> Slovaks, lack<br />
<strong>of</strong> empathy towards Hungarian memory <strong>of</strong> historical injustices is<br />
combined with misgivings about potential Hungarian territorial<br />
revisionism, however much <strong>the</strong>se anachronistic misgivings may be<br />
fading.<br />
Surely feelings <strong>of</strong> misgiving or fear, as well as insensitivity or indifference<br />
in neighbourly relations, are not in any way a positive, constructive<br />
factor in awakening <strong>and</strong> cultivating one’s own national<br />
identity. The starting-point is, or could be, true mutual empathy <strong>and</strong><br />
appreciation between our neighbouring nations – or, more precisely<br />
<strong>and</strong> realistically, between <strong>the</strong> widest possible number <strong>of</strong> members<br />
<strong>of</strong> each nation, since it is only dynamic people, or people who are<br />
collectively dynamic <strong>and</strong> open towards one o<strong>the</strong>r, who represent<br />
<strong>the</strong> decisive element. But in creating empathy, first <strong>and</strong> foremost<br />
an open discussion must take place about a shared <strong>history</strong> that,<br />
paradoxically but underst<strong>and</strong>ably, has up to now divided Slovaks<br />
<strong>and</strong> Hungarians more than it has united us.<br />
179 Milan Zemko