Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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This movement once had a big meeting against <strong>the</strong> revival <strong>of</strong> Horthy.<br />
At this ga<strong>the</strong>ring I said that Horthy was responsible for <strong>the</strong> loss<br />
<strong>of</strong> one million Hungarian lives. His defenders, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>,<br />
claimed that it was his achievement that just one million lost <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
lives <strong>and</strong> not more. They said that <strong>the</strong> Jews were relatively safe<br />
until <strong>the</strong> German occupation. But in reality <strong>the</strong>y were already in<br />
forced labour camps in <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union <strong>and</strong> <strong>use</strong>d as mine detectors<br />
on <strong>the</strong> battlefield. In 1990, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n Hungarian minister <strong>of</strong> foreign<br />
affairs said that <strong>the</strong> ice age started in 1945. For me that was<br />
different. I would have been dead if <strong>the</strong> period before had lasted<br />
longer.”<br />
As is <strong>the</strong> case in many new European Union member states, Hungarians<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten attempt comparisons between <strong>the</strong> Nazi period <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> communist dictatorship that followed, arguing that both were<br />
equally bad. Konrád has difficulty supporting this approach <strong>and</strong><br />
makes a clear distinction. As a Jewish child, unlike many <strong>of</strong> his relatives<br />
<strong>and</strong> classmates, he was fortunate not to be sent to<br />
Auschwitz. “For me personally, <strong>the</strong> Nazi <strong>and</strong> communist periods<br />
were not <strong>the</strong> same. The communists could not forget that <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
also somehow idealists. It was a mixture <strong>of</strong> good intentions <strong>and</strong><br />
bad ideological tools. There was an upward mobilisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
people. The working class <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> peasants formed <strong>the</strong> cadres <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> regime. In 1949, all <strong>the</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workers’ councils were<br />
invited to come to <strong>the</strong> central ho<strong>use</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unions. They had to wait<br />
<strong>the</strong>re during <strong>the</strong> whole night. They did not know what would happen,<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y were being arrested. At four o’clock in <strong>the</strong> morning<br />
a high ranking person <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> politburo came out <strong>and</strong> said: “From<br />
now on you are directors <strong>of</strong> big factories”. Every person was given<br />
an important business. Their first task was to confiscate everything.<br />
Now, it is not hard to imagine that <strong>the</strong>se people suddenly felt very<br />
important, but <strong>the</strong>y were also uncertain; <strong>the</strong>y knew <strong>the</strong>y were not<br />
competent. Never<strong>the</strong>less, in 1956 <strong>the</strong>se people were prepared to<br />
defend <strong>the</strong>ir position with machine guns beca<strong>use</strong> <strong>the</strong>y believed to<br />
have achieved something.”<br />
In <strong>the</strong> end <strong>the</strong> difference is, in Konrád’s eyes, very simple. “The communists<br />
did not kill children. They killed people beca<strong>use</strong> <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
considered enemies <strong>and</strong> not just for what <strong>the</strong>y were.”<br />
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