Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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mixture <strong>of</strong> force <strong>and</strong> free will. Events took a different course in<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Czechoslovakia, for example.<br />
The experiences with communist claims to power, communist ideology<br />
<strong>and</strong> communist practice prompted a decided anti-totalitarianism<br />
in German social democracy which also included a strain <strong>of</strong><br />
militant anti-communism – albeit not to be compared with o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> anti-communism. A protagonist <strong>of</strong> this attitude was <strong>the</strong><br />
first post-war Chairman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> SPD, Kurt Schumacher, who was<br />
locked up in concentration camps for practically <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
National Socialist period but survived, deeply marked by <strong>the</strong> experience.<br />
He regarded <strong>the</strong> communist parties as mere tools <strong>of</strong> Soviet<br />
imperialist power politics.<br />
German social democracy traditionally tended to look to <strong>the</strong> West.<br />
It saw <strong>the</strong> Marshall Plan as an opportunity to overcome <strong>the</strong> poverty<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-war period. The German Social Democrats, some <strong>of</strong><br />
whom had emigrated during <strong>the</strong> Third Reich, also managed to resume<br />
relations with sister parties in o<strong>the</strong>r countries quite quickly in<br />
<strong>the</strong> post-war years. The Socialist International was re-founded in<br />
Frankfurt in 1951, streng<strong>the</strong>ning democratic socialist principles <strong>and</strong><br />
taking a more resolute anti-totalitarian <strong>and</strong> anti-communist, anti-<br />
Stalinist line.<br />
Remarkably, leading social democrats like Willy Br<strong>and</strong>t <strong>and</strong> Carlo<br />
Schmid joined <strong>the</strong> ‘Congress for Cultural Freedom’, a US-backed<br />
European organisation with a strong anti-communist bias, which<br />
brought toge<strong>the</strong>r leftists from various backgrounds. There can be no<br />
doubt about it; most western social democrats clearly took sides in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Cold War.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time, however, German social democracy was more<br />
energetic in calling for a critical appraisal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Socialist<br />
system <strong>and</strong> crimes committed by National <strong>Socialists</strong> than <strong>the</strong> middle-class<br />
parties, which reflected to a greater or lesser extent <strong>the</strong><br />
tendency in German society to bury <strong>the</strong> <strong>past</strong>. They had taken a resolute<br />
st<strong>and</strong> in favour <strong>of</strong> compensation to victims <strong>and</strong> reparations to<br />
Israel, <strong>and</strong> against any statute <strong>of</strong> limitations on National Socialist<br />
crimes outside <strong>the</strong> Reich. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>re can be no doubt that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y continued to give unqualified support to <strong>the</strong> anti-totalitarian<br />
consensus, complete with all <strong>the</strong> anti-communist trappings, until<br />
well into <strong>the</strong> 1960s, even though Adenauer among o<strong>the</strong>rs had<br />
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