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Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...

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mixture <strong>of</strong> force <strong>and</strong> free will. Events took a different course in<br />

Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Czechoslovakia, for example.<br />

The experiences with communist claims to power, communist ideology<br />

<strong>and</strong> communist practice prompted a decided anti-totalitarianism<br />

in German social democracy which also included a strain <strong>of</strong><br />

militant anti-communism – albeit not to be compared with o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

forms <strong>of</strong> anti-communism. A protagonist <strong>of</strong> this attitude was <strong>the</strong><br />

first post-war Chairman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> SPD, Kurt Schumacher, who was<br />

locked up in concentration camps for practically <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

National Socialist period but survived, deeply marked by <strong>the</strong> experience.<br />

He regarded <strong>the</strong> communist parties as mere tools <strong>of</strong> Soviet<br />

imperialist power politics.<br />

German social democracy traditionally tended to look to <strong>the</strong> West.<br />

It saw <strong>the</strong> Marshall Plan as an opportunity to overcome <strong>the</strong> poverty<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-war period. The German Social Democrats, some <strong>of</strong><br />

whom had emigrated during <strong>the</strong> Third Reich, also managed to resume<br />

relations with sister parties in o<strong>the</strong>r countries quite quickly in<br />

<strong>the</strong> post-war years. The Socialist International was re-founded in<br />

Frankfurt in 1951, streng<strong>the</strong>ning democratic socialist principles <strong>and</strong><br />

taking a more resolute anti-totalitarian <strong>and</strong> anti-communist, anti-<br />

Stalinist line.<br />

Remarkably, leading social democrats like Willy Br<strong>and</strong>t <strong>and</strong> Carlo<br />

Schmid joined <strong>the</strong> ‘Congress for Cultural Freedom’, a US-backed<br />

European organisation with a strong anti-communist bias, which<br />

brought toge<strong>the</strong>r leftists from various backgrounds. There can be no<br />

doubt about it; most western social democrats clearly took sides in<br />

<strong>the</strong> Cold War.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, however, German social democracy was more<br />

energetic in calling for a critical appraisal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Socialist<br />

system <strong>and</strong> crimes committed by National <strong>Socialists</strong> than <strong>the</strong> middle-class<br />

parties, which reflected to a greater or lesser extent <strong>the</strong><br />

tendency in German society to bury <strong>the</strong> <strong>past</strong>. They had taken a resolute<br />

st<strong>and</strong> in favour <strong>of</strong> compensation to victims <strong>and</strong> reparations to<br />

Israel, <strong>and</strong> against any statute <strong>of</strong> limitations on National Socialist<br />

crimes outside <strong>the</strong> Reich. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>re can be no doubt that<br />

<strong>the</strong>y continued to give unqualified support to <strong>the</strong> anti-totalitarian<br />

consensus, complete with all <strong>the</strong> anti-communist trappings, until<br />

well into <strong>the</strong> 1960s, even though Adenauer among o<strong>the</strong>rs had<br />

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