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Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...

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<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. He who does not regret it has no heart. He<br />

who wants to revive it in <strong>the</strong> same way has no brains”. Putin’s new<br />

way is devoid <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> messianic ideology <strong>of</strong> communist revolution. It<br />

is entirely centred on power <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> national-imperial ideal with<br />

all its ambiguities about relations between centre <strong>and</strong> periphery,<br />

between ethnic Russians <strong>and</strong> former or present peoples <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> empire.<br />

One thing is certain, however, historical truth, like political authority,<br />

follows <strong>the</strong> vertical <strong>of</strong> power, inspired <strong>and</strong> controlled from<br />

above.<br />

Under Gorbachev <strong>and</strong> Yeltsin, <strong>the</strong>re were a few years <strong>of</strong> opening,<br />

inclusive <strong>of</strong> both <strong>history</strong> <strong>and</strong> politics: archives were opened, memoirs<br />

were published, a scholarly dialogue with Western researchers<br />

was initiated, <strong>the</strong> names <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims <strong>of</strong> repression (although not,<br />

interestingly enough, <strong>of</strong> its perpetrators) were systematically collected,<br />

notably by <strong>the</strong> association Memorial. Today <strong>the</strong> trend is in<br />

<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r direction: archives are being closed, <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> historians<br />

is made more <strong>and</strong> more difficult, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Memorial is<br />

impeded (some <strong>of</strong> its archives have been confiscated). As a result,<br />

Stalin’s posthumous popularity is spectacularly ascendant. The<br />

prevalent view <strong>of</strong> him is that <strong>of</strong> a pragmatic leader who not only<br />

won <strong>the</strong> Great Patriotic War but also maintained order at home <strong>and</strong><br />

Russian prestige abroad. This is portrayed in contrast to <strong>the</strong><br />

domestic anarchy <strong>and</strong> international humiliation that most Russians<br />

feel followed <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union until <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> Putin.<br />

Past <strong>and</strong> present<br />

This example illustrates <strong>the</strong> central dimension <strong>of</strong> our problem: <strong>the</strong><br />

parallelism between <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> historical research <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolution<br />

<strong>of</strong> political regimes, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> importance for both (in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong><br />

post-revolutionary <strong>and</strong> particularly <strong>of</strong> post-totalitarian regimes) <strong>of</strong><br />

a free <strong>and</strong> thorough analysis <strong>and</strong> discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>past</strong>. This discussion<br />

cannot be divorced from philosophical <strong>and</strong> moral considerations.<br />

In Russia, as in most post-communist <strong>and</strong> post-fascist<br />

states, this discussion has not really taken place, or at least has not<br />

been encouraged by governments <strong>and</strong> has not penetrated <strong>the</strong><br />

consciousness <strong>of</strong> its population deeply enough not to be vulnerable<br />

to unexpected reversals. This has to do with <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

respective countries, particularly in <strong>the</strong>ir relation to <strong>the</strong> international<br />

environment.<br />

75 Pierre Hassner

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