Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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democracy which led to <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> Solidarność in Pol<strong>and</strong> in<br />
1980, to <strong>the</strong> democratic revolution <strong>of</strong> 1989 in Central <strong>and</strong> Eastern<br />
Europe <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> alliance <strong>of</strong> Western, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> Central <strong>and</strong><br />
Eastern Europe in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Union.<br />
Liberal changes in Pol<strong>and</strong> reached <strong>the</strong>ir peak in <strong>the</strong> late 1950s.<br />
March, 1968, saw repressions <strong>of</strong> students <strong>and</strong> intellectual movements<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> dogmatic wing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Party <strong>and</strong> State institutions,<br />
represented by Mieczysław Moczar, resorted to anti-Semitism.<br />
Under <strong>the</strong>se conditions <strong>the</strong> Prague Spring was a symbol <strong>of</strong> hope<br />
for democratic reforms in Pol<strong>and</strong>. For my generation, <strong>the</strong> Solidarność<br />
generation, <strong>the</strong> year 1968 was <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> political initiation,<br />
<strong>the</strong> choice <strong>of</strong> rebellion against dogmatic institutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Party <strong>and</strong> State, <strong>the</strong> rejection <strong>of</strong> chauvinist propag<strong>and</strong>a, <strong>the</strong> protest<br />
against censorship <strong>and</strong> suppression <strong>of</strong> academic liberties. We all<br />
loved Czechoslovakia <strong>the</strong>n; we were aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> common fate <strong>of</strong><br />
our societies.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 1980s Solidarność continued its political contacts between<br />
<strong>the</strong> Workers’ Defence Committee <strong>and</strong> Charter 77. Polish-<br />
Czechoslovak Solidarity was founded to bring toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> opposition<br />
in both countries. Anna Sabatova became spokesperson <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Czechoslovak side in 1987. Oppositionists held – illegally! –<br />
long meetings on <strong>the</strong> mountainous border in <strong>the</strong> years 1987-1988.<br />
Books <strong>and</strong> political programmes were translated, strategies agreed,<br />
<strong>and</strong> joint actions decided, first <strong>of</strong> all aiming at setting political prisoners<br />
free. Underground publications were smuggled across <strong>the</strong><br />
border but people were not allowed to visit <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r country, telephone<br />
conversations were stopped by <strong>the</strong> special services <strong>and</strong><br />
people were detained in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> arrested in Czechoslovakia. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> late 1980s, Peter Uhl <strong>and</strong> Anna Sabatova’s flat in central<br />
Prague became <strong>the</strong> headquarters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> democratic revolution, <strong>the</strong><br />
contact point <strong>of</strong> oppositionists from Pol<strong>and</strong>, Czechoslovakia, Hungary<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> former German Democratic Republic. Polish-<br />
Czechoslovak Solidarity dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> release <strong>of</strong> Andrei Sakharov,<br />
its members welcomed Gorbachev’s reforms with hope, <strong>and</strong> were<br />
preparing democratic revolutions in <strong>the</strong>ir countries. The rest is<br />
<strong>history</strong>.<br />
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