Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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compartments, <strong>and</strong> that one must sometimes look closely at a text<br />
or discourse in order to allot it to <strong>the</strong> former or <strong>the</strong> latter.<br />
The difference between memory <strong>and</strong> <strong>history</strong> is <strong>of</strong> fundamental<br />
importance for politics. The former is a legitimate field <strong>of</strong> political action.<br />
The latter must be left outside it. Collective memory is unanimous<br />
only in small groups. All national memories are divided. The<br />
European memory is divided. It is commonplace to say that workers’<br />
memory is different from that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social elite or that Polish<br />
memory is different from <strong>the</strong> German or <strong>the</strong> French ones. But it<br />
does not seem to be a commonplace to insist that such differences<br />
may provoke, what I would call, memory wars. Now memory wars<br />
may result in open conflict or may fuel an already existent one. In<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r words, memory wars <strong>of</strong>ten acquire a political significance.<br />
They call, <strong>the</strong>refore, for political action.<br />
Memory wars have at least three dimensions: a cognitive, an emotional,<br />
<strong>and</strong> an existential one. The cognitive belongs to historians<br />
who have tools to establish with reasonable certainty what actually<br />
happened in <strong>the</strong> <strong>past</strong>. The emotional <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> existential dimensions<br />
<strong>of</strong> memory wars, however, are beyond <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> historians as<br />
historians. They belong to writers <strong>and</strong> to artists. And <strong>the</strong>y belong to<br />
educators in <strong>the</strong> largest meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term among whom a prominent<br />
role falls to politicians. Useless to say that <strong>the</strong>ir intervention into<br />
memory wars may intend ei<strong>the</strong>r to pacify <strong>the</strong>m or, on <strong>the</strong> contrary,<br />
to exacerbate <strong>the</strong>m so as to transform a verbal controversy into a<br />
real confrontation. In <strong>the</strong> last years in Pol<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> so called “historical<br />
politics” tried to do exactly that. It does not seem to have succeeded.<br />
But Law <strong>and</strong> Justice, <strong>the</strong> political party that promoted<br />
“historical politics”, is still very active <strong>and</strong> exerts a harmful influence<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> memory wars between Poles <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir neighbours, in particular<br />
Germans <strong>and</strong> Russians.<br />
I presume that <strong>the</strong> issue here is not how to help escalate memory<br />
wars but to see under which conditions one can pacify <strong>the</strong>m. At<br />
<strong>the</strong> cognitive level, historians are entitled to do that beca<strong>use</strong> <strong>history</strong><br />
– as an academic discipline that is in principle different from<br />
memory – possesses tools that permit it to conclude a conflict <strong>of</strong><br />
memories, o<strong>the</strong>rwise insoluble, when it comes to <strong>the</strong> facts.<br />
However, it happens that <strong>history</strong> shows <strong>the</strong> <strong>past</strong> as different from<br />
<strong>the</strong> image <strong>of</strong> it preserved in memory. This opens a conflict between<br />
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