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Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...

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Molotov-Ribbentrop protocol? How did <strong>the</strong> demographics <strong>of</strong><br />

Lithuania’s main cities change in such a short period <strong>and</strong> how did<br />

Lithuanians become predominant? Who is responsible for <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that entire national communities disappeared from Lithuania?<br />

And, could it not be that <strong>the</strong> reparations awarded to Lithuania for<br />

any damage done to her will actually be for a smaller amount than<br />

<strong>the</strong> bill presented to Lithuania itself? Who will pay that bill? Perhaps<br />

those politicians who dem<strong>and</strong> such historical reckoning are<br />

prepared to pay it? Unfortunately, it is more likely that ordinary<br />

Lithuanians would have to bear <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> such a historical settlement<br />

<strong>and</strong> not for <strong>the</strong> first time. A determined <strong>and</strong> unmerciful push<br />

for reparations from Russia could lead to collapse.<br />

The culture <strong>of</strong> historical memory<br />

Biased interpretations <strong>of</strong> <strong>history</strong> aro<strong>use</strong> moral <strong>and</strong> intellectual discomfort<br />

<strong>and</strong> also increase insecurity. Yet, leaving <strong>history</strong> to <strong>the</strong> historians<br />

is not a genuine or realistic alternative. It is impossible to<br />

abstract public life from <strong>history</strong>, just as it is impossible to take away<br />

society’s memory. The big question is this: what is memory culture<br />

<strong>and</strong> where is it heading?<br />

Today an undisputed criterion <strong>of</strong> memory culture is democracy. In<br />

this context, it would seem logical to criticise <strong>and</strong> condemn <strong>the</strong><br />

criminal acts <strong>of</strong> various regimes in <strong>history</strong>. Underst<strong>and</strong>ably, attention<br />

is foc<strong>use</strong>d on crimes involving <strong>the</strong> largest number <strong>of</strong> victims, in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

words, on <strong>the</strong> condemnation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> crimes <strong>of</strong> totalitarian regimes<br />

like those <strong>of</strong> Nazi Germany or <strong>the</strong> Stalinist Soviet Union. However,<br />

when campaigns condemning <strong>the</strong>se regimes are being repeated,<br />

<strong>the</strong> more <strong>the</strong>y seem to satisfy political ra<strong>the</strong>r than cultural-humanist<br />

goals. Ultimately all <strong>the</strong> criticism becomes directed against modern<br />

Russia alone. In practice, an attempt is being made by a united<br />

front, including representatives <strong>of</strong> territories where Stalin is to this<br />

day remembered with <strong>the</strong> greatest respect, to blame Russia alone<br />

for Stalinism. This attack is not so much directed against manifestations<br />

<strong>of</strong> Stalinism in Russia as it is against <strong>the</strong> Russian state itself.<br />

There is a thinly disguised goal – <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> Russia. The<br />

Russians, <strong>of</strong> course, see this <strong>and</strong>, feeling threatened as a nation,<br />

unite behind a regime that is moving fur<strong>the</strong>r away from democracy.<br />

This is not for <strong>the</strong> first time that this happens. From as early as <strong>the</strong><br />

125 Česlovas Laurinavičius

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