Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
Politics of the past: the use and abuse of history - Socialists ...
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guage. And if <strong>the</strong>re was something missing from that tradition, or if<br />
it was too narrow, it could still count on emphatic support from <strong>the</strong><br />
leading strata <strong>of</strong> society, even from <strong>the</strong> state itself. This aspiration<br />
was found – obviously to varying degrees <strong>and</strong> with varying levels <strong>of</strong><br />
success – in all <strong>the</strong> nations <strong>and</strong> nationalities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> old Hungary,<br />
<strong>and</strong> was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fundamental factors influencing internal conditions<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Hungary from <strong>the</strong> era <strong>of</strong> reform in <strong>the</strong> first<br />
half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19 th century, peaking in 1848/49 with revolution <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
subsequent battle for independence. This national ambition was<br />
later to continue throughout <strong>the</strong> whole period <strong>of</strong> fifty years from <strong>the</strong><br />
Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867 to <strong>the</strong> demise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> old<br />
Hungary in 1918. Yet, only <strong>the</strong> Magyar ethnic group, in forming a<br />
modern nation, was able to fully exploit <strong>the</strong> Hungarian state <strong>and</strong> all<br />
its structures during <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> national integration; o<strong>the</strong>r ethnic<br />
groups (with <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Croats) did not have any such<br />
opportunities.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> numbers, <strong>the</strong> Magyar ethnic nation was<br />
merely <strong>the</strong> largest ‘minority’ ethnic group; never<strong>the</strong>less, its social<br />
<strong>and</strong> political elite dominated <strong>the</strong> country even before <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> modern civic era, acting as <strong>the</strong> defining element <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Estatesbased<br />
aristocratic ‘nation’ <strong>and</strong> going on to mould <strong>the</strong> civic nation<br />
from what were clearly <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> feudalism. Thus, to all intents<br />
<strong>and</strong> purposes, <strong>the</strong>y ‘naturally’ appropriated <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Hungarian state, along with historical constitutional law <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
state traditions stemming from it. Smaller ethnic groups in <strong>the</strong> country,<br />
or ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>ir leading strata, were compelled to struggle for ‘a<br />
place in <strong>the</strong> sun’ for <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir ethnic group; <strong>the</strong>ir awakening<br />
into modern nations was from a much more disadvantageous<br />
position. Thus, through its ruling elite, <strong>the</strong> Magyar ethnic group<br />
made itself into <strong>the</strong> dominant ‘state nation’. O<strong>the</strong>r ethnic groups,<br />
smaller <strong>and</strong> weaker from every point <strong>of</strong> view but with ambitions to<br />
mature into a modern nation or nationality, strove to acquire at least<br />
autonomous constitutional legal status; but until 1918, only <strong>the</strong><br />
Croats – whom I have already mentioned – with <strong>the</strong>ir constitutional<br />
legal tradition from <strong>the</strong> old Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Croatia, managed to do so.<br />
This struggle could not fail to connect with historical or ‘historicized’<br />
arguments on all sides, arguments that were never<strong>the</strong>less directed<br />
towards planned political goals <strong>and</strong> streng<strong>the</strong>ning one’s own national<br />
identity. It is first <strong>and</strong> foremost a matter for Hungarian histo-<br />
175 Milan Zemko