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PLANNING FOR A SUSTAINABLE EUROPE? - TU Berlin

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excellent, discourse- and rhetoric-focused micro-level case studies that are very useful for<br />

understanding how exactly decision-makers go about doing their work (e.g. Forester<br />

1989; Healey 1992; Throgmorton 1992; Healey and Hillier 1996). It is only when the<br />

analyses turn from critique to recommendation that the model runs into problems. Here,<br />

many communicative theorists display a tendency to be overly idealistic about preexisting<br />

power relationships, which are particularly relevant when dealing with large<br />

scale infrastructures (as is certainly the case with the EU TENs). Taken together, Susan<br />

Fainstein’s and Tim Richardson’s critiques present a concise summary of the model’s key<br />

deficiencies from a political economy perspective. Fainstein (2000:455) notes that<br />

in its effort to save planning from elitist tendencies, communicative planning theory<br />

runs into difficulties. … Although their roots, via Habermas, are in critical theory,<br />

once the communicative theorists move away from critique and present a manual for<br />

action, their thought loses its edge. Habermas posited the ideal speech situation as a<br />

criterion by which to register the distortion inherent in most interactions. … But when<br />

instead ideal speech becomes the objective of planning, the argument takes a<br />

moralistic tone, and its proponents seem to forget the economic and social forces that<br />

produce endemic social conflict and domination by the powerful. There is the<br />

assumption that if only people were reasonable, deep structural conflict would melt<br />

away. Although unquestionably many disagreements can be ameliorated through<br />

negotiation … persistent issues of displacement as a consequence of modernization<br />

and siting of unwanted facilities proximate to weak constituencies are less susceptible<br />

to resolution.<br />

And, one might add, as scores of local activist groups fighting unwanted<br />

motorways all over Europe will confirm, such “weak constituents” are often only able to<br />

make their voice heard if they are able to frame their opposition within solid<br />

environmental arguments, i.e. arguments backed by scientific evidence and couched in<br />

legalistic language that allows them to take their arguments to court. Consequently, as<br />

Richardson (2000:13) points out, communicative rationality theorists’

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