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PLANNING FOR A SUSTAINABLE EUROPE? - TU Berlin

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346<br />

national highway network. As it turned out, the government’s hopes of being able to<br />

speed-up highway construction through private-sector funded, build-operate-transfer<br />

(BOT) concessions were ultimately gravely disappointed due to major problems with the<br />

actual concession schemes. The M1/M15 concession disaster still serves as warning<br />

example for other CEE governments. 25<br />

As far as public reactions to the official Transport Policy were concerned, the<br />

document received the predictable kudos from the infrastructure and construction sector<br />

and the equally predictable criticism from environmental organizations and railway<br />

enthusiasts (see e.g. Clean Air Action Group and Hungarian Traffic Club 1999).<br />

The 1996 document is still considered the official Hungarian Transport Policy. 26<br />

However, there have been major changes in Hungarian transport policy since 1996,<br />

particularly in the wake of the 1998 and the 2002 national elections. Most importantly,<br />

the first National ISPA Strategy for Hungary had to be prepared at a time when the<br />

country was in the midst of political restructuring. Consequently, the preparations of the<br />

25 During an ECMT expert seminar, KÖVIM representative Ferenc Szabó and EBRD representative Dr.<br />

Andras Timar presented comparatively sympathetic accounts of the experience. Yet even they admit that<br />

tolling motorways remains “a very sensitive issue” (Szabó 1999) and that under prevailing conditions in<br />

Central Europe, the opportunity costs of the necessary substantial government contributions must be<br />

thoroughly evaluated (Timár 1999:6). Meanwhile, Hook (1999:212) presents a much more outspoken<br />

critique of the highly problematic M1 toll concession, which lost millions of Euros and eventually lead to a<br />

costly government bailout operation at taxpayers’ expense. As he summarizes:<br />

After the M1 was built, traffic and revenues were 50% below projections, mainly because most<br />

Hungarian motorists elected to take slower, parallel untolled routes. … Unable to meet its debt<br />

payments, in June of 1999 ELMKA [the concession company] was taken over by the Hungarian<br />

Government. All of ELMKA’s assets were turned over to a fully-state owned ‘Replacement Company.’<br />

Most of the initial investors lost their [substantial] equity investments. … The consortium of banks that<br />

lent money to the concession company also lost US$31 million. [Yet] in the end the road will cost the<br />

Government of Hungary some US$30 million less than if they had simply built the road as a public toll<br />

road with EBRD loans. As a result of the experience, the EBRD’s new transport policy states that it will<br />

only get involved in BOT highway projects in the future where the level of government subsidies to the<br />

project are much greater or where the concessionaire’s rate of return is guaranteed by the<br />

government…. This position fits uncomfortably with the EBRD’s policy of working to remove<br />

subsidies in the public transit and rail sectors.<br />

26 An English language version remains available for download on the website of the newly formed the<br />

Ministry of Economy and Transportation (via the still-existing website of its legal predecessor). See<br />

www.kovim.hu/Celok/Kozlekedes/EU-Integration/Transport_policy/Transport_policy_of_Hungary.doc

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