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PLANNING FOR A SUSTAINABLE EUROPE? - TU Berlin

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51<br />

as economic multiplier effects of infrastructures are most evident while construction and<br />

engineering firms employ labor and purchase equipment.<br />

In the end, the biggest problem with the Aschauer debate is that by limiting the<br />

discussion to an aggregate analysis of total investment stock, we learn nothing about<br />

whether, for example, road investments are more ‘productive’ than rail investments or<br />

whether investments are more ‘productive’ in core or peripheral regions. Yet these<br />

questions, as we will see in the ensuing chapters, lie at the heart of EU regional<br />

development policy.<br />

2.2.6 Rethinking the theory on transport investments<br />

State-of-the art regional development theory, including most recent research<br />

funded by the EU itself, now offers a much more careful assessment of the economic<br />

benefits of transport investments than it did ten years ago. This is not only due to the<br />

overall rethinking of regional policy, but also relates to an earlier shift in emphasis from<br />

merely large-scale infrastructure investments to high-quality ones. The EU’s recognition<br />

that the greatest economic benefits were likely to result from closing gaps in<br />

infrastructure connections in (centrally located) border regions rather than from a higher<br />

endowment of infrastructure stock in peripheral regions already indicated a significant<br />

shift in thinking away from a merely quantitative approach to a more qualitative one.<br />

Additionally, recent empirical studies emerging from a variety of EU countries,<br />

particularly from those countries that have received large sums of Cohesion Fund aid for<br />

road construction, provide strong counter-evidence against the notion that large-scale<br />

transport infrastructures are a panacea for economic development. Even early on, some

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