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PLANNING FOR A SUSTAINABLE EUROPE? - TU Berlin

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153<br />

sustainable transport. Quoting Bullard (1990), 39 he criticizes the fact that “ the simple<br />

fact that environmental inequalities reinforce and are reinforced by social inequalities is<br />

hardly taken up by current debates on sustainable transport” (p.71). Quoting Sachs<br />

(1993), Baeten subsequently attacks “globalized environmentalism” as an undemocratic,<br />

technocratic endeavour “run by an international elite” that has little interest in addressing<br />

environmental problems at the local level. He also reinserts the issue of “class” into this<br />

debate, ultimately classifying (and rejecting) middle class environmentalism as “a<br />

conservative movement, in the sense that it does not challenge capitalism: […] it allows<br />

capitalism to adjust to its ecological contradictions.” Most importantly, he concludes that<br />

“such a stance, clearly, is highly compatible with [mainstream] sustainability rhetoric”<br />

(p.72). In the end, only the left is left to reveal the “’bourgeois character’ of<br />

contemporary environmentalism” (p.73). 40<br />

To Baeten, exclusion is a central problem in<br />

transport planning, and it is one that is ignored by mainstream sustainability discourses.<br />

To him, sustainable transport in its current rhetorical form is an unjust concept, since it<br />

privileges policy measures designed to further advance the mobility needs of the rich and<br />

powerful:<br />

39 Note that while Bullard’s 1990 book Dumping in Dixie is in fact not explicitly focusing on transport<br />

issues, Bullard subsequently edited (with Glenn S. Johnson) Just Transportation: Dismantling Race and<br />

Class Barriers to Mobility, which at least to my knowledge is the only full length book exclusively<br />

dedicated to the topic of environmental justice in the context of transportation, albeit written in a North<br />

American context.<br />

40 Baeten uses Gare (1995) to further differentiate his class argument. Drawing upon Bourdieu, Gare<br />

describes a breakdown of modernist class relations into a post-modern constellation in which previously<br />

powerful classes (i.e. the domestic bourgeoisie) are increasingly being subordinated to the influence of a<br />

‘new international bourgeoisie’ and its pertaining new ‘service sub-class’ adhering to “a modern version of<br />

social Darwinism.” The supposed “ideological spearhead” of the new international bourgeoisie is post-<br />

Keynesian neo-classical economics “characterized by supply side economics, dismantling social welfare<br />

provisions, the deregulation of markets, the reduction of trade barriers and the rapid expansion of<br />

econometrics and computer modeling” (Baeten p.77). The new service sub-class – thought by Baeten to<br />

include service providers in the widest sense, including academics and consultants – shares the<br />

international consumer tastes and interests of the new bourgeoisie, despite the fact that this class has failed<br />

to gain any significant political power in the new system.

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