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PLANNING FOR A SUSTAINABLE EUROPE? - TU Berlin

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276<br />

transport (DG TREN) in fact has limited power to straightforwardly implement its own<br />

transport sector objectives and policies in the candidate countries both because of the<br />

EU’s multi-level governance structure and the importance of additional stakeholders. 5<br />

Meanwhile, previous propositions about “Dominant Discourses” and “Conflicting<br />

Storylines” in EU decision-making also remain relevant for Part III of study, albeit<br />

sometimes with slightly different twists.<br />

7.2 EU Plans and Programs for CEE Transport Infrastructures: Overview<br />

Table 7.1 provides a general overview of the four key initiatives relevant for our<br />

analysis of EU transport-sector infrastructure investments in the CEE candidate countries.<br />

Note that the Helsinki Corridors and the TINA network discussed in this chapter form<br />

part of the so-called “Pan-European Transport Network.” In all, this network consists of<br />

the following components (also see Commission of the European Communities and<br />

Vienna 2000d):<br />

?? The Trans-European Transport Network on the territory of the European Union<br />

(TEN);<br />

?? The ten Pan-European Transport Corridors situated in the acceding countries, in the<br />

NIS and beyond;<br />

?? The TINA network, which is composed of the ten Corridors and the additional<br />

network components within the candidate countries for accession;<br />

?? Four Pan-European Transport Areas (PETrAs) covering Maritime areas;<br />

?? Euro-Asian Links, notably TRACEA (Transport Corridor Europe Caucasus Asia).<br />

The TENs have been discussed in previous sections of this study. Due to<br />

necessary limits in the scope of the present study, neither the PETrAs nor any Euro-Asian<br />

5 The two propositions are quite compatible. Also note that contrary to common misperceptions,<br />

interpreting the EU as a system of multi-level governance does not mean that national leadership and<br />

decision-power necessarily succumb to a diffuse or even unstable hierarchy of influences. As Marks et al.<br />

(1996) note: “The multi-level government model does not reject the view that state executives and state<br />

arenas are important, or that these remain the most important pieces of the European puzzle” (emphasis in<br />

the original).

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