Evaluating Country Programmes - OECD Online Bookshop
Evaluating Country Programmes - OECD Online Bookshop
Evaluating Country Programmes - OECD Online Bookshop
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<strong>Evaluating</strong> <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Programmes</strong><br />
240<br />
Education has continued to expand. The remaining gaps in access to primary<br />
education have been filled by building and staffing schools in the most remote<br />
areas. Secondary schools have steadily expanded, with the total number of high<br />
schools rising from 13 in 1950 to 230 in 1995. Nevertheless, secondary education has<br />
yet to acquire the universal appeal or access that characterised primary education<br />
a generation ago. Only half of Costa Rican youths go on to high school. University<br />
education has increased dramatically, though, from a few elite in 1950 to a plausible<br />
aspiration of most high school graduates.<br />
As with physical infrastructure, USAID involvement was most significant in the<br />
early stages of expansion, through providing training to Costa Ricans, bringing in<br />
foreign experts to assist in system design, and financing programmes of increased<br />
access to social services. Gradually, USAID reduced support as such programmes<br />
became part of the usual business of government agencies, or received financing<br />
on a larger scale from one of the multilateral banks.<br />
The size and role of government<br />
Dramatic changes in physical and social infrastructure have been made principally<br />
by expanding the size and role of government. The government’s share of<br />
GDP rose from less than 10% in 1950 to around 35% by 1980, where it remained<br />
through 1995. Two main actions have led to the government’s increasingly dominant<br />
role: provision of what economists call “public goods” (largely infrastructure and<br />
social services), and policy actions and regulations that have directly affected the<br />
private sector. For example, government policy became a force in determining sectoral<br />
distribution of credit and in varying the amount of protection from foreign<br />
competition faced by individual sectors or enterprises. The Government became a<br />
direct producer in a number of sectors.<br />
Costa Rica in 1995<br />
Costa Rica in 1995 reflected the dramatic changes that had taken place over the<br />
previous half century. Though fertility fell by more than half over the period, population<br />
quadrupled, producing rapid urban growth but also spreading agriculture into<br />
remote areas previously covered by forests. In terms of purchasing power, Costa<br />
Rica’s per capita GDP in 1995 was to the order of USD5 800, about 70% higher than the<br />
world average. Its per capita income growth outpaced that of its Central American<br />
neighbours, who fared poorly in recent years. Average income was more than double<br />
that of the Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua, and had overtaken Panama. 4<br />
The United Nations Development Programme has introduced a composite<br />
indicator of social development, the Human Development Index (HDI). The HDI<br />
attempts to capture the social dimension of development in the same way that per<br />
capita GDP provides a composite estimate of the economic dimension. According<br />
to this index, in 1995, Costa Rica was the most advanced country in Latin America.<br />
<strong>OECD</strong> 1999