xxfOREWORDfOREWORDxxiperson is seen as a threat, an infection, a symptom"overdetermined from without ... dissectedeyes ... I am fixed ... and my long antennae pickup <strong>the</strong> catch phrases strewn over <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong> things ...."32 It is<strong>the</strong> peculiarity <strong>of</strong> regimes <strong>of</strong> racial oppression that <strong>the</strong>y make immediatelyvisible and vivid <strong>the</strong> more mediated and abstracttices <strong>of</strong> power such as class division, <strong>the</strong>and social hierarchies <strong>of</strong> status. "Looking at<strong>the</strong> colonial context," Fanon writes, "it becomes cleardivides this world is first and foremost what species, what raceone belongs to. In <strong>the</strong> colonies <strong>the</strong> economic infrastructure isalso a superstructure. The cause is effect: you are rich becauseyou are white, you are white because you are rich."33It is <strong>the</strong> Manichaean mentality that goes with such racialculturaldiscriminations, and <strong>the</strong> economic divisions set up toaccommodate and authorize <strong>the</strong>m, that create <strong>the</strong> violent psychoaffectiveconditions that Fanon describes in The Wretched <strong>of</strong>The colonial vocabulary is shot through with arroanxiety:those hysterical masses; <strong>the</strong>irfaces; this vegetative existence. 34 The colonized, who are<strong>of</strong>ten devoid <strong>of</strong> a public voice, resort to dreaming, imagining,acting out, embedding <strong>the</strong> reactive vocabulary <strong>of</strong> violence andretributive justice in <strong>the</strong>ir bodies, <strong>the</strong>ircolonial world to smi<strong>the</strong>reens is henceforth a<strong>the</strong> grasp and imagination <strong>of</strong> every colonizedcate <strong>the</strong> colonial world .... To destroy <strong>the</strong> colonist's sector. ...Challenging <strong>the</strong> colonial world is not a rational confrontation<strong>of</strong> viewpoints. It is not a discourse on <strong>the</strong> universal, but <strong>the</strong> impassionedclaim by <strong>the</strong> colonized that <strong>the</strong>ir world is fundamentallydifferent."3532 Ibid. 33 WE, 5. 34 WE, 7. 35 uro 6.There is more to <strong>the</strong> psycho-affective realm<strong>of</strong>violence, which has become <strong>the</strong> cause celebre <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> first chapter<strong>of</strong> The Wretched <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> Earth, "On Violence." Hannah Arendt'sassault on <strong>the</strong> book in <strong>the</strong> late sixties was an attempt at staunching<strong>the</strong> wildfire it spread across university campuses, while she readilyacknowledged that it was really Sartre's preface that glorified violencebeyond F anon's words or wishes. Sartre fanned <strong>the</strong> flames"We have certainly sown <strong>the</strong> wind; <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> whirlwind. Sonsviolence. at every instant <strong>the</strong>y draw <strong>the</strong>ir humanity from it"36that despite <strong>the</strong> doctrine <strong>of</strong> liberatory violence,man, deep down hated it."37 It is difficult to do justiceto Fanon's on violence, or to appreciate his passionateapproach to <strong>the</strong> phenomenology <strong>of</strong> decolonization, withoutacknowledging a pr<strong>of</strong>ound internal dissonance, in French colonialthought, between <strong>the</strong> free standin2: <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> citizen and <strong>the</strong>segregated status <strong>the</strong> subject-<strong>the</strong><strong>the</strong> same colonized person. Indeed, I want to arguetroubled traffic between <strong>the</strong> psychic body and <strong>the</strong> body politic-<strong>the</strong> subjective experience <strong>of</strong> objective reality38 so typical<strong>of</strong> Fanon's style-suggests that <strong>the</strong> psycho-affective relation isalso "<strong>the</strong> glowing focal point where citizen and individual developand grow...."39 When Fanon insists that <strong>the</strong> colonized'simpassioned claim to difference is a challenge to <strong>the</strong> discourserational confrontation and universality, he is both using andvery words and values - rationality, universalismFrench mission civilisatrice founded its governpractices<strong>of</strong> colonial assimilation, associationism, andintegration.36 Jean-Paul Sadre, Colonialism and Neocolonisalism. trans.Brewer, and McWilliams (London: Routledge,37 Ibid., 158.38 Robert J. C. Young, Postcolonialism: An Historical IntroductionBlackwells, 2001), 274. Young provides a most cogent and clarifVimrductory account <strong>of</strong> Fanon's life and work.39 WE, 40.
xxiiFOREWORDFOREWORDxxiiiThe originality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French phenomenological approachto colonialism and decolonization lies in its awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>abiding instability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> system, however stable its institutionsmay appear. "If one chooses to understand <strong>the</strong> colonial system,"Albert Memmi writes in The Coloniser and <strong>the</strong> Colonized, "hemust admit that it is unstable and its equilibrium constantlythreatened."40 The civilizing mission is grounded in a pr<strong>of</strong>oundsense <strong>of</strong> instability-not a surmountable or sublatable "contradiction"-as<strong>the</strong> French Republic gazes anxiously upon its ownmirror image as a world power. On <strong>the</strong> one hand, France is <strong>the</strong>supreme bearer <strong>of</strong> universal Rights and Reason-"bearer even <strong>of</strong>a new category <strong>of</strong> time for <strong>the</strong> indigenous populations";41 on <strong>the</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r, its various administrative avatars-assimilation, association,integration-deny those same populations <strong>the</strong> right to emerge as"French citizens" in a public sphere <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own ethical andcultural making. The principle <strong>of</strong> citizenship is held out; <strong>the</strong>poesis <strong>of</strong> free cultural choice and communal participation iswithheld.The fear <strong>of</strong> instability and disequilibrium between freedomand fealty, as I have described it, is evident in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> colonialAlgeria. Citizenship becomes <strong>the</strong> unstable, unsustainablepsycho-affective site in <strong>the</strong> conflict between political and legalassimilation, and <strong>the</strong> respect for, and recognition <strong>of</strong>, Muslimethical and cultural affiliations. Between 1865 and 1936, fewerthan three thousand Algerian Muslims had availed <strong>the</strong>mselves<strong>of</strong> Napoleon's senatus consulte, which extended French citizenshipto those Muslims who agreed to divest <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>of</strong> civilstahlS under Islamic law. 42 Again, <strong>the</strong> Algerian statute <strong>of</strong> 194740 Albert Memmi, The Coloniser and <strong>the</strong> Colonised (Boston: Beacon Press,1967) 120.41 James D. LeSueur, Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics During<strong>the</strong> Decoloni:zation <strong>of</strong> Algeria (Philadelphia: University <strong>of</strong> PennsylvaniaPress, 2001), 22.42 Ibid., 20. I am indebted to this excellent work for historical informationon <strong>the</strong> civilizing mission.made a "grand" gesture, which was no more than a sleight <strong>of</strong>hand. The electoral system was divided into two colleges: onefor Europeans and a small number <strong>of</strong> Muslims who were grantedfull political rights, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Muslim population.Fearful <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> increase in <strong>the</strong> Muslim vote, <strong>the</strong> statuteallotted half <strong>the</strong> seats in <strong>the</strong> Algerian assembly to <strong>the</strong> first college,and in 1948 and subsequent years, <strong>the</strong> colonial administration43rigged <strong>the</strong> ballots to prevent fur<strong>the</strong>r Muslim participation. Such. widespread disenfranchisement bred a deep distrust in <strong>the</strong> Muslimpopulation, leading a number <strong>of</strong> dissident groups to amalgamatein 1954 to form <strong>the</strong> Front de Liberation Nationale (FiN).Hussein Bulhan describes <strong>the</strong> process: "Gradually those who fordecades sought assimilation into French society and <strong>the</strong> traditionalnationalists joined forces in <strong>the</strong> FLN."44 When "integration"was proposed by <strong>the</strong> last governor-general, JacquesSoustelle (after <strong>the</strong> Algerian War <strong>of</strong> Independence began in1954), <strong>the</strong> "Algerian fact" <strong>of</strong> diverse regional cultures, languages,and ethnicities was recognized, so long as <strong>the</strong>se "provincial"-provisional?-French citizens could be kept "secure"under <strong>the</strong> surveillant eye <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> paternalistic colonial power that45deeply distrusted what it saw as <strong>the</strong> regressive zealotry <strong>of</strong>lslam.Such a threatened equilibrium leads to a phenomenologicalcondition <strong>of</strong> nervous adjustment, narcissistic justification, andvain, even vainglorious, proclamations <strong>of</strong> progressive principleson <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial state; and it is <strong>the</strong>se very psychoaffectivesymptoms that reveal <strong>the</strong> injustices and disequilibrium, that haunts <strong>the</strong> colonial historical record. Fanon was quick tograsp <strong>the</strong> psycho-affective implications <strong>of</strong> a subtly punishing anddisabling paternalistic power:43 Paul Clay Sorum, Intellectuals and Decolonization in France (ChapelHill: University <strong>of</strong> North Carolina Press, 1977), 60.44 Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, "Revolutionary Psychiatry <strong>of</strong> Fanon," in RethinkingFanon: The Continuing Dialogue, ed. Nigel Gibson (Amherst, NY:Humanity Books, 1999), 155.45 LeSueur, 23-27.
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