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xxiiFOREWORDFOREWORDxxiiiThe originality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French phenomenological approachto colonialism and decolonization lies in its awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>abiding instability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> system, however stable its institutionsmay appear. "If one chooses to understand <strong>the</strong> colonial system,"Albert Memmi writes in The Coloniser and <strong>the</strong> Colonized, "hemust admit that it is unstable and its equilibrium constantlythreatened."40 The civilizing mission is grounded in a pr<strong>of</strong>oundsense <strong>of</strong> instability-not a surmountable or sublatable "contradiction"-as<strong>the</strong> French Republic gazes anxiously upon its ownmirror image as a world power. On <strong>the</strong> one hand, France is <strong>the</strong>supreme bearer <strong>of</strong> universal Rights and Reason-"bearer even <strong>of</strong>a new category <strong>of</strong> time for <strong>the</strong> indigenous populations";41 on <strong>the</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r, its various administrative avatars-assimilation, association,integration-deny those same populations <strong>the</strong> right to emerge as"French citizens" in a public sphere <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own ethical andcultural making. The principle <strong>of</strong> citizenship is held out; <strong>the</strong>poesis <strong>of</strong> free cultural choice and communal participation iswithheld.The fear <strong>of</strong> instability and disequilibrium between freedomand fealty, as I have described it, is evident in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> colonialAlgeria. Citizenship becomes <strong>the</strong> unstable, unsustainablepsycho-affective site in <strong>the</strong> conflict between political and legalassimilation, and <strong>the</strong> respect for, and recognition <strong>of</strong>, Muslimethical and cultural affiliations. Between 1865 and 1936, fewerthan three thousand Algerian Muslims had availed <strong>the</strong>mselves<strong>of</strong> Napoleon's senatus consulte, which extended French citizenshipto those Muslims who agreed to divest <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>of</strong> civilstahlS under Islamic law. 42 Again, <strong>the</strong> Algerian statute <strong>of</strong> 194740 Albert Memmi, The Coloniser and <strong>the</strong> Colonised (Boston: Beacon Press,1967) 120.41 James D. LeSueur, Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics During<strong>the</strong> Decoloni:zation <strong>of</strong> Algeria (Philadelphia: University <strong>of</strong> PennsylvaniaPress, 2001), 22.42 Ibid., 20. I am indebted to this excellent work for historical informationon <strong>the</strong> civilizing mission.made a "grand" gesture, which was no more than a sleight <strong>of</strong>hand. The electoral system was divided into two colleges: onefor Europeans and a small number <strong>of</strong> Muslims who were grantedfull political rights, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Muslim population.Fearful <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> increase in <strong>the</strong> Muslim vote, <strong>the</strong> statuteallotted half <strong>the</strong> seats in <strong>the</strong> Algerian assembly to <strong>the</strong> first college,and in 1948 and subsequent years, <strong>the</strong> colonial administration43rigged <strong>the</strong> ballots to prevent fur<strong>the</strong>r Muslim participation. Such. widespread disenfranchisement bred a deep distrust in <strong>the</strong> Muslimpopulation, leading a number <strong>of</strong> dissident groups to amalgamatein 1954 to form <strong>the</strong> Front de Liberation Nationale (FiN).Hussein Bulhan describes <strong>the</strong> process: "Gradually those who fordecades sought assimilation into French society and <strong>the</strong> traditionalnationalists joined forces in <strong>the</strong> FLN."44 When "integration"was proposed by <strong>the</strong> last governor-general, JacquesSoustelle (after <strong>the</strong> Algerian War <strong>of</strong> Independence began in1954), <strong>the</strong> "Algerian fact" <strong>of</strong> diverse regional cultures, languages,and ethnicities was recognized, so long as <strong>the</strong>se "provincial"-provisional?-French citizens could be kept "secure"under <strong>the</strong> surveillant eye <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> paternalistic colonial power that45deeply distrusted what it saw as <strong>the</strong> regressive zealotry <strong>of</strong>lslam.Such a threatened equilibrium leads to a phenomenologicalcondition <strong>of</strong> nervous adjustment, narcissistic justification, andvain, even vainglorious, proclamations <strong>of</strong> progressive principleson <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial state; and it is <strong>the</strong>se very psychoaffectivesymptoms that reveal <strong>the</strong> injustices and disequilibrium, that haunts <strong>the</strong> colonial historical record. Fanon was quick tograsp <strong>the</strong> psycho-affective implications <strong>of</strong> a subtly punishing anddisabling paternalistic power:43 Paul Clay Sorum, Intellectuals and Decolonization in France (ChapelHill: University <strong>of</strong> North Carolina Press, 1977), 60.44 Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, "Revolutionary Psychiatry <strong>of</strong> Fanon," in RethinkingFanon: The Continuing Dialogue, ed. Nigel Gibson (Amherst, NY:Humanity Books, 1999), 155.45 LeSueur, 23-27.

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