20 THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHON VIOLENCE21circle. It protects and empowers. At a fixed timc and a fixed datemen and women assemble in a given place, and under <strong>the</strong> solemngaze <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tribc launch <strong>the</strong>mselves into a seemingly disarticulated,but in fact cxtremely ritualized, pantomime where <strong>the</strong>exorcism, liberation, and expression <strong>of</strong> a community are grandioselyand spontaneously played out through shaking <strong>of</strong> thchead, and back and forward thrusts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body. Everything ispermitted in <strong>the</strong> dance circle. Thc hillock, which has beenclimbed as if to get closer to <strong>the</strong> moon, <strong>the</strong> river bank, whichhas been descended whenever <strong>the</strong> dance symbolizes ablution,washing, and purification, are sacred places. Everything is permitted,for in fact <strong>the</strong> sole purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ga<strong>the</strong>ring is to let <strong>the</strong>supercharged libido and <strong>the</strong> stifled aggressiveness spew out volcanically.Symbolic killings, figurative cavalcades, and imaginedmultiple murders, everything has to come out. Thc ill humorsseep out, tumultuous as lava flows.One step fur<strong>the</strong>r and wc find ourselves in deep possession. Inactual fact, <strong>the</strong>se are organized seances <strong>of</strong> possession and dispossession:vampirism, possession by djinns, by zombies, and byLegba, <strong>the</strong> illustrious god <strong>of</strong> voodoo. Such a disintegration, dissolutionor splitting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> personality, plays a key regulating rolein ensuring <strong>the</strong> stability <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> colonized world. On <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong>re<strong>the</strong>se men and women were stamping impatiently, thcir nerves"on edge." On <strong>the</strong> way back, <strong>the</strong> village returns to serenity, peace,and stillness.During <strong>the</strong> struggle for liberation <strong>the</strong>re is a singular loss <strong>of</strong>interest in <strong>the</strong>se rituals. With his back to <strong>the</strong> wall, <strong>the</strong> knife athis throat, or to be more exact <strong>the</strong> electrode on his genitals, <strong>the</strong>colonized subject is bound to stop telling stories.After years <strong>of</strong> unreality, after wallowing in <strong>the</strong> most extraordinaryphantasms, <strong>the</strong> colonized subject, machine gun at<strong>the</strong> ready,finally confronts <strong>the</strong> only force which challenges his very being:colonialism. And <strong>the</strong> young colonized subject who grows upan atmosphere <strong>of</strong> fire and brimstone has no scruples mockingzombie ancestors, two-headed horses, corpses woken from <strong>the</strong>dead, and djinns who, taking advantage <strong>of</strong>a yawn, slip inside <strong>the</strong>body. The colonized subject discovers reality and transforms itthrough his praxis, his deployment <strong>of</strong> violence and his agendafor liberation.We have seen that this violence throughout <strong>the</strong> colonial period,although constantly on edge, runs on empty. We have seen itchanneled through <strong>the</strong> emotional release <strong>of</strong> dance or possession.We have seen it exhaust itself in fratricidal struggles. The challengenow is to seize this violence as it realigns itself. Whereas itonce reveled in myths and contrived ways to commit collectivesuicide, a fresh set <strong>of</strong> circumstances will now enable it to changedirections.From <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> political tactics and History, <strong>the</strong> liberation<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonies poses a <strong>the</strong>oretical problem <strong>of</strong> crucialimportance at <strong>the</strong> current time: When can it be said that <strong>the</strong>situation is ripe for a national liberation movement? What shouldbe thc first line <strong>of</strong>action? Because decolonization comcs in manyshapes, reason wavers and abstains from declaring what is a truedecolonization and what is not. We shall see that for <strong>the</strong> politicallycommittcd, urgent decisions are needed on means andtactics, i.e., direction and organization. Anything else is but blindvoluntarism with <strong>the</strong> terribly reactionary risks this implies.What are <strong>the</strong> forces in <strong>the</strong> colonial period which <strong>of</strong>fer newchannels, new agents <strong>of</strong> empowerment for <strong>the</strong> violence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>colonized? First and foremost, <strong>the</strong> political parties and <strong>the</strong> intellectualand business elite. However, what is characteristic <strong>of</strong>certain political groups is that <strong>the</strong>y are strong on principles butabstain from issuing marching orders. During <strong>the</strong> colonial period<strong>the</strong> ,activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se nationalist political parties are purely forelectioneering purposes and amount to no more than a series <strong>of</strong>philosophic-political discourses on thc subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong>peoples to self-determination, <strong>the</strong> human rights <strong>of</strong> dignity and
L.......-~..." ..._22 THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHON VIOLENCE23freedom from hunger, and <strong>the</strong> countless declarations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle"one man, one vote." The nationalist political parties neverinsist on <strong>the</strong> need for confrontation precisely because <strong>the</strong>ir aimis not <strong>the</strong> radical overthrow <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> system. Pacifist and lawabiding,partisans, in fact, <strong>of</strong> order, <strong>the</strong> new order, <strong>the</strong>se politicalgroups bluntly ask <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonialist bourgeoisie what to <strong>the</strong>mis essential: "Give us more power." On <strong>the</strong> specific issue <strong>of</strong> violence,<strong>the</strong> elite are ambiguous. They are violent in <strong>the</strong>ir wordsand reformist in <strong>the</strong>ir attitudes. While <strong>the</strong> bourgeois nationalistpolitical leaders say one thing, <strong>the</strong>y make it quite clear it is notwhat <strong>the</strong>y are really thinking.This characteristic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nationalist political parties must beattributed to <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>ir leaders and <strong>the</strong>ir supporters. Thesupporters <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> nationalist parties are urban voters. These workers,elementary school teachers, small tradesmen, and shopkeeperswho have begun to pr<strong>of</strong>it from <strong>the</strong> colonial situation - in apitiful sort <strong>of</strong> way <strong>of</strong> course-have <strong>the</strong>ir own interests in mind.What <strong>the</strong>se supporters are demanding is a better life and improvedwages. The dialogue between <strong>the</strong>se political parties andcolonialism has continued uninterrupted. Discussions focus onimprovements, electoral representation, freedom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> press,and freedom <strong>of</strong> association. Reforms are discussed. It shouldcome as no surprise <strong>the</strong>refore that a good many colonial subjectsare active members in branches <strong>of</strong> metropolitan political parties.These colonial subjects are militant activists under <strong>the</strong> abstractslogan: "Power to <strong>the</strong> proletariat," forgetting that in <strong>the</strong>irpart <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> world slogans <strong>of</strong>national liberation should come first.The colonized intellectual has invested his aggression in hisbarely veiled wish to be assimilated to <strong>the</strong> colonizer's world. Hehas placed his aggression at <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> his own interests, hisinterests as an individual. The result is <strong>the</strong> ready emergence <strong>of</strong> akind <strong>of</strong> class <strong>of</strong> individually liberated slaves, <strong>of</strong> freed slaves. Theintellectual calls for ways <strong>of</strong> freeing more and more slaves andways <strong>of</strong> organizing a genuine class <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> emancipated. Themasses, however, have no intention <strong>of</strong>looking on as <strong>the</strong> chances<strong>of</strong> individual success improve. What <strong>the</strong>y demand is not <strong>the</strong> status<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonist, but his place. In <strong>the</strong>ir immense majority <strong>the</strong>colonized want <strong>the</strong> colonist's farm. There is no question for <strong>the</strong>m<strong>of</strong> competing with <strong>the</strong> colonist. They want to take his place.The peasantry is systematically left out <strong>of</strong> most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nationalistparties' propaganda. But it is obvious that in colonial countriesonly <strong>the</strong> peasantry is revolutionary. It has nothing to lose and everythingto gain. The underprivileged and starving peasant is <strong>the</strong>exploited who very soon discovers that only violence pays. For him<strong>the</strong>re is no compromise, no possibility <strong>of</strong> concession. Colonizationor decolonization: it is simply a power struggle. The exploitedrealize that <strong>the</strong>ir liberation implies using every means available,and force is <strong>the</strong> first. When Monsieur Guy Mollet capitulated to<strong>the</strong> French settlers in Algeria in 1956, <strong>the</strong> Front de la LiberationNationale (FLN) in a famous tract stated that colonialism onlyloosens its hold when <strong>the</strong> knife is at its throat. No Algerian reallythought <strong>the</strong>se terms too violent. The tract merely expressed whatevery Algerian felt deep down: colonialism is not a machine capable<strong>of</strong> thinking, a body endowed with reason. It is naked violenceand only gives in when confronted with greater violence.At <strong>the</strong> critical, deciding moment <strong>the</strong> colonialist bourgeoisie,which had remained silent up till <strong>the</strong>n, enters <strong>the</strong> fray. Theyintroduce a new notion, in actual fact a creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonialsituation: nonviolence. In its raw state this nonviolence conveysto <strong>the</strong> colonized intellectual and business elite that <strong>the</strong>ir interestsare identical to those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonialist bourgeoisie and it is<strong>the</strong>refore indispensable, a matter <strong>of</strong> urgency, to reach an agreementfor <strong>the</strong> common good. Nonviolence is an attempt to settle<strong>the</strong> ,colonial problem around <strong>the</strong> negotiating table before <strong>the</strong>irreparable is done, before any bloodshed or regrettable act iscommitted. But if <strong>the</strong> masses, without waiting for <strong>the</strong> chairs tobe placed around <strong>the</strong> negotiating table, take matters into <strong>the</strong>ir
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