72THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHGRANDEUR AND WEAKNESS OF SPONTANEITY73colonialist secret service, which is still at work after independence,foments discontent and still manages to create seriousdifficulties for <strong>the</strong> young governments. When all is said and done,<strong>the</strong> government is merely paying for its idleness during <strong>the</strong> liberationperiod and its enduring contempt for <strong>the</strong> peasantry. Thenation may well have a rational, even progressive head, but itshuge body remains retarded, rebellious and recalcitrant.The temptation is great <strong>the</strong>refore to crush this body by centralizing<strong>the</strong> administration and keeping a firm control over<strong>the</strong> people. This is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons why we <strong>of</strong>ten hear that <strong>the</strong>underdeveloped countries need a dose <strong>of</strong> dictatorship. The leadersdistrust <strong>the</strong> rural masses. This distrust, moreover, can takeon serious proportions. Such is <strong>the</strong> case for certain governmentsthat, long after national independence, consider <strong>the</strong> interioras an unpacified region where <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> state and his minstersonly venture during army maneuvers. The interior is considereda virtual terra incognita. Paradoxically, <strong>the</strong> national government'sattitude toward <strong>the</strong> rural masses is reminiscent in some ways<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial power. "We are not too sure how <strong>the</strong> masses willreact"; "We need to use <strong>the</strong> lash if we want to take this countryout <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Dark Ages," <strong>the</strong> young leaders are not afraid to say.But, as we have seen, <strong>the</strong> political parties' disregard for <strong>the</strong> ruralmasses during <strong>the</strong> colonial period can only be prejudicial tonational unity and to setting rapidly <strong>the</strong> nation in motion.Sometimes colonialism endeavors to diversify and dislocate <strong>the</strong>nationalist upsurge. Instead <strong>of</strong> stirring up <strong>the</strong> sheiks and <strong>the</strong> chiefsagainst <strong>the</strong> "revolutionaries" in <strong>the</strong> towns, <strong>the</strong> Native Bureausorganize <strong>the</strong> tribes and religious bro<strong>the</strong>rhoods into parties. Confrontedwith an urban party which is beginning to "embody <strong>the</strong>will <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation" and constitute a threat to <strong>the</strong> colonial regime,factions are bom, and sympathies and parties based on tribe andregion emerge. The entire tribe is transformed into a political partyin close consultation with <strong>the</strong> colo~alists. Roundtable discussionscan now begin. The party <strong>of</strong> national unity is swamped by <strong>the</strong> verynumber <strong>of</strong> political factions. The tribal parties oppose centralizationand unity and denounce <strong>the</strong> one party dictatorship.Later on <strong>the</strong> same tactics will be used by <strong>the</strong> national opposition.The occupier has already made his choice from <strong>the</strong> two orthree nationalist parties who led <strong>the</strong> liberation struggle. Themethod <strong>of</strong> choice is typical: Once a party has achieved nationalunanimity and has emerged as <strong>the</strong> sole negotiator, <strong>the</strong> occupierbegins his maneuvering and delays negotiations as long as possible.The delay is used to whittle away <strong>the</strong> party's demands andobtain concessions from <strong>the</strong> leadership to remove certain "extremist"elements.If, however, no single party emerges, <strong>the</strong> occupier is contentto favor <strong>the</strong> one which seems to him to be <strong>the</strong> most "reasonable."The nationalist parties, which were excluded from <strong>the</strong> negotiations,<strong>the</strong>n loudly denounce <strong>the</strong> agreement concluded between<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r party and <strong>the</strong> occupier. The party which takes overpower from <strong>the</strong> occupier, conscious <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> danger <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rivalparty's vague, strictly demagogic positions, endeavors tomantle and outlaw it. The persecuted party has no o<strong>the</strong>r alternativebut to take refuge on <strong>the</strong> periphery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> towns and in<strong>the</strong> interior. It attempts to stir up <strong>the</strong> rural masses against <strong>the</strong>"mercenaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> coast and <strong>the</strong> corrupt elements in <strong>the</strong> capital."Any excuse is good enough-from religious arguments to<strong>the</strong> tradition-breaking innovations introduced by <strong>the</strong> new nationalauthority. It exploits <strong>the</strong> obscurantist tendencies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ruralmasses. Its so-called revolutionary doctrine is in fact based on<strong>the</strong> reactionary, heated, and spontaneous nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peasantry.It spreads <strong>the</strong> rumor here and <strong>the</strong>re that <strong>the</strong> mountainous regions<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interior are on <strong>the</strong> move, that <strong>the</strong>re is discontent among<strong>the</strong> peasants. It claims that in one region <strong>the</strong> police have openedfire on <strong>the</strong> peasant~, reinforcements have been dispatched, and<strong>the</strong> government is about to collapse. With no clear program and
74 THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHGRANDEUR AND WEAKNESS OF SPONTANEITY75no o<strong>the</strong>r objective but to take over from <strong>the</strong> team in power, <strong>the</strong>opposition parties put <strong>the</strong>ir fate in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spontaneousand obscure mass <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peasantry.Conversely,. in some cases <strong>the</strong> opposition no longer seeks supportfrom <strong>the</strong> rural masses but from <strong>the</strong> progressive elements <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> young nation's labor unions. In this case <strong>the</strong> government callsupon <strong>the</strong> masses to resist <strong>the</strong> workers' demands, calling <strong>the</strong>mrash, anti traditionalist maneuvers. The observations we havenoted concerning <strong>the</strong> political parties can now be applied to <strong>the</strong>labor unions, mutatis mutandis. The first labor unions in <strong>the</strong>colonial territories are usually local branches <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir metropolitancounterparts and <strong>the</strong>ir slogans echo those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> metropolis.Once <strong>the</strong> crucial phase <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> liberation struggle begins to takeshape, a group <strong>of</strong> indigenous union leaders decides to create anational labor movement. The locals desert en masse <strong>the</strong> previousorganization imported from <strong>the</strong> metropolis. The formation<strong>of</strong> this union is ano<strong>the</strong>r way for <strong>the</strong> urban population to exertpressure on <strong>the</strong> colonial authorities. We have already said that<strong>the</strong> proletariat in <strong>the</strong> colonies is embryonic and represents <strong>the</strong>most privileged fraction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population. The national laborunions born out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> liberation struggle are urban organizationsand <strong>the</strong>ir program is above all political and nationalist. Butthis national union born during <strong>the</strong> decisive phase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fightfor independence is in fact <strong>the</strong> legal enlistment <strong>of</strong> dynamic,politically conscious nationalist elements.The rural masses, despised by <strong>the</strong> political parties, continueto be kept on <strong>the</strong> sidelines. There is, <strong>of</strong> course, an agriculturalworkers' union but such a formation is content to satisfy <strong>the</strong> formalneed for "a united front against colonialism." The unionleaders who began <strong>the</strong>ir careers in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> metropolitanunions are at a loss when it comes to organizing <strong>the</strong> ruralmasses. They have lost touch with <strong>the</strong> peasantry and are mainlyconcerned with enlisting steelworkers, dockers and civil servantsin <strong>the</strong> utilities sector, etc ..~During <strong>the</strong> colonial phase <strong>the</strong> nationalist labor unions representa spectacular strike force. In <strong>the</strong> towns <strong>the</strong>se unions can paralyzeor at least disrupt at any moment <strong>the</strong> colonialist economy.Since <strong>the</strong> European settlements are mostly confined to <strong>the</strong> towns,<strong>the</strong> psychological repercussions are considerable: no gas, no electricity,no garbage pickup, and produce lies rotting on <strong>the</strong> wharfs.These metropolitan enclaves, which <strong>the</strong> towns represent in <strong>the</strong>colonial context, are pr<strong>of</strong>oundly affected by this labor unrest. Thestronghold <strong>of</strong> colonialism, <strong>the</strong> capital, has difficulty withstandingsuch a battering. But <strong>the</strong> rural masses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interior remainunaffected by this confrontation.There is, <strong>the</strong>refore, a clear disproportion from <strong>the</strong> nationalpoint <strong>of</strong> view between <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labor unions and<strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation. After independence <strong>the</strong> workers enlistedin <strong>the</strong> unions have <strong>the</strong> impression <strong>of</strong> running on empty. Once<strong>the</strong> limited objectives <strong>the</strong>y set <strong>the</strong>mselves have been achieved,<strong>the</strong>y prove to be extremely precarious given <strong>the</strong> huge task <strong>of</strong>nation building. Faced with a national bourgeoisie whose relationswith <strong>the</strong> government are <strong>of</strong>ten very close, <strong>the</strong> unionleaders discover <strong>the</strong>y can no longer confine <strong>the</strong>mselves to labordisputes. Congenitally isolated from <strong>the</strong> rural masses, incapable<strong>of</strong> extending <strong>the</strong>ir influence beyond <strong>the</strong> urban periphery, <strong>the</strong>unions adopt an increasingly political stance. In fact <strong>the</strong>y becomepolitical candidates. They endeavor by every means possibleto drive <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisie into a corner: protests are madeagainst keeping foreign bases on national soil, commercial dealsare exposed, and criticism is voiced against <strong>the</strong> national government'sforeign policy. The workers, now "independent," aregetting nowhere. The unions realize in <strong>the</strong> aftermath <strong>of</strong> independencethat if <strong>the</strong>ir social demands were to be expressed <strong>the</strong>ywould scandalize <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation. The workers are in factpampered by <strong>the</strong> regime. They represent <strong>the</strong> most well-to-d<strong>of</strong>raction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people. Any unrest aimed at winning improvedliving standards for <strong>the</strong> laborers and dock workers would notonly be unpopular but might very well stir up <strong>the</strong> hostility <strong>of</strong>
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OTHER WORKS BY FRANTZ FANON PUBLISH
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Foreword: Framing Fanonby Homi K. B
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xFOREWORDFOREWORDxito such a narrow
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xviFOREWORDor ancient, despite the
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xxivFOREWORDAt the level of the unc
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xxxiiFOREWORDFOREWORDxxxiiimorehave
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Conclusion Now, comrades, now is th
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242 ON RETRANSLATING FANON, RETRIEV
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#'iF.#~y250 ON RETRANSLATING I'ANON