,40THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHpractice anticolonialism in <strong>the</strong> same way <strong>the</strong> French colonelsin Algeria engaged in counter-terrorism with <strong>the</strong> SAS (SectionsAdministratives Speciales) or psychological warfare. They "used<strong>the</strong> people against <strong>the</strong> people." We know where that got <strong>the</strong>m.This threatening atmosphere <strong>of</strong> violence and missiles in noway frightens or disorients <strong>the</strong> colonized. We have seen that <strong>the</strong>irentire recent history has prepared <strong>the</strong>m to "understand" <strong>the</strong> situation.Between colonial violence and <strong>the</strong> insidious violence inwhich <strong>the</strong> modern world is steeped, <strong>the</strong>re is a kind <strong>of</strong> compEcitcorrelation, a homogeneity. The colonized have adapted to thisatmosphere. For once <strong>the</strong>y are in tune with <strong>the</strong>ir time. Peopleare sometimes surprised that, instead <strong>of</strong> buying a dress for <strong>the</strong>irwife, <strong>the</strong> colonized buy a transistor radio. They shouldn't be. Thecolonized are convinced <strong>the</strong>ir fate is in <strong>the</strong> balance. They livein a doomsday atmosphere and nothing must elude <strong>the</strong>m. Thisis why <strong>the</strong>y fully understand Phouma and Phoumi, Lumumbaand Tschombe, Ahidjo and Moumie, Kenyatta and those introducedfrom time to time to replace him. They fully understandall <strong>the</strong>se men because <strong>the</strong>y are able to unmask <strong>the</strong> forces behind<strong>the</strong>m. The colonized, underdeveloped man is today a politicalcreature in <strong>the</strong> most global sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term.Independence has certainly brought <strong>the</strong> colonized peoplesmoral reparation and recognized <strong>the</strong>ir dignity. But <strong>the</strong>y havenot yet had time to elaborate a society or build and ascertainvalues. The glowing focal point where <strong>the</strong> citizen and individualdevelop and mature in a growing number <strong>of</strong> areas doesnot yet exist. Situated in a kind <strong>of</strong> indeterminate state <strong>the</strong>y havefairly quickly convinced <strong>the</strong>mselves that everything is decidedelsewhere for everyone at <strong>the</strong> same time. As for <strong>the</strong> leaders,when confronted with such a situation, <strong>the</strong>y hesitate and choosea policy <strong>of</strong> neutrality.There is much to be said on <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> neutrality. Someliken it to a kind <strong>of</strong> loathsome mercantilism which consists <strong>of</strong>ON VIOLENCEtaking handouts left and right. But although neutrality, a creation<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cold war, allows underdeveloped countries to receive economicaid from both sides, it does not permit ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se twosides to corne to <strong>the</strong> aid <strong>of</strong> underdeveloped regions <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong>yshould. Those literally astronomical sums invested in arms research,<strong>the</strong>se engineers transformed into technicians <strong>of</strong> nuclearwar could raise <strong>the</strong> living standards <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> underdeveloped countriesby 60 percent in fifteen years. It is <strong>the</strong>refore obvious that<strong>the</strong> underdeveloped countries have no real interest in ei<strong>the</strong>rprolonging or intensifying this cold war. But <strong>the</strong>y are never askedfor <strong>the</strong>ir opinion. So whenever <strong>the</strong>y can, <strong>the</strong>y disengage. But can<strong>the</strong>y really do so? For example, here is France testing its atomicbombs in Mrica. Even allowing for <strong>the</strong> resolutions, <strong>the</strong> meetingsand slammings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> door on diplomatic relations, it cannot besaid that <strong>the</strong> African peoples had much impact on France's attitudein this particular sector.Neutrality produces in <strong>the</strong> citizen <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third World an attitude<strong>of</strong> mind which translates in everyday life to a brazenness andhieratic pride strangely resembling an act <strong>of</strong> defiance. This staunchrefusal to compromise, this sheer detemlination to go it alone recall<strong>the</strong> behavior <strong>of</strong> those deprived, self-centered teenagers who arealways prepared to fight to <strong>the</strong> last over a mere word. All <strong>of</strong> thisdisconcerts Western observers. For <strong>the</strong>re is, strictly speaking, ascandalous discrepancy between what <strong>the</strong>se men claim to be andwhat in fact <strong>the</strong>y have to back <strong>the</strong>m up. These countries withouturban transportation, without troops, and without money cannotjustify flaunting such bravado. It is without doubt an imposture.The Third World <strong>of</strong>ten gives <strong>the</strong> impression it revels in sensationalismand it needs its weekly dose <strong>of</strong> crises. These leaders <strong>of</strong> emptycountries who talk too loud are exasperating. You'd like to shut<strong>the</strong>m up. But instead <strong>the</strong>y are wooed. They are given bouquets <strong>of</strong>flowers. Invitations. To be frank, everyone wants a piece <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m.And that is what we call neutrality. For a population 98 percentilliterate, <strong>the</strong>re is, however, an enormous amount <strong>of</strong> literature41
42 THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHON VIOLENCE43written about <strong>the</strong>m. They are constantly on <strong>the</strong> move. The leadersand students <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> underdeveloped countries are a gold minefor <strong>the</strong> airlines. Asian and Mrican <strong>of</strong>ficials can attend a seminaron socialist planning in Moscow one week and <strong>the</strong>n ano<strong>the</strong>r onfree trade in London or at Columbia University <strong>the</strong> next. forAfrican labor union members, <strong>the</strong>y are making enormous progress.No sooner are <strong>the</strong>y appointed to positions <strong>of</strong> leadership than <strong>the</strong>ydecide to group <strong>the</strong>mselves into autonomous units. Tbey do nothave <strong>the</strong> fifty years' experience <strong>of</strong> labor unions in an industrializedcountry, but <strong>the</strong>y already know that nonpolitical unionism isan absurdity. They have not had to deal with <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisdozer, <strong>the</strong>y have not developed a consciousness from <strong>the</strong> classstruggle, but perhaps this is not required. Perhaps. We shall seethat this totalizing determination which <strong>of</strong>ten becomes a caricature<strong>of</strong> intemationalism is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most basic characteristics <strong>of</strong>underdeveloped countries.But let us return to <strong>the</strong> single combat between <strong>the</strong> colonizedand <strong>the</strong> colonist. It is clearly and plainly an armed struggle.Indochina, Indonesia, and, <strong>of</strong> course, North Mrica are historicalexamples. But we should never lose sight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact thatthis struggle could have broken out anywhere, in Guinea asas Somaliland, and even today it can break out anywhere wherecolonialism intends to stay, in Angola for instance. The existence<strong>of</strong> an armed struggle is indicative that <strong>the</strong> people aretermined to put <strong>the</strong>ir faith only in violent methods. The verysame people who had it constantly drummed into <strong>the</strong>m that<strong>the</strong> only language <strong>the</strong>y understood was that <strong>of</strong> force, now decideto express <strong>the</strong>mselves with force. In fact <strong>the</strong> colonist hasalways shown <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> path <strong>the</strong>y should follow to liberation.The argument chosen by <strong>the</strong> colonized was conveyed to <strong>the</strong>mby <strong>the</strong> colonist, and by an ironic twist <strong>of</strong> fate it is now <strong>the</strong> colonizedwho state that it is <strong>the</strong> colonizer who only understands<strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> force. The colonial regime owes its legitimacyto force and at no time does it ever endeavor to cover upnature <strong>of</strong>things. Every statue <strong>of</strong>Faidherbe or Lyautey, Bugeaudor Blandan, everyone <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se conquistadors ensconced oncolonial soil, is a constant reminder <strong>of</strong> one and <strong>the</strong> same thing:"We are here by <strong>the</strong> force <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bayonet ..." Everyone knows<strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> quote. During <strong>the</strong> insurrectional stage everycolonist reasons on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> simple arithmetic. Such a logicis no surprise to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r colonists, but it is important to pointout that it is no surprise to <strong>the</strong> colonized ei<strong>the</strong>r. And first andforemost, stating <strong>the</strong> principle "It's <strong>the</strong>m or is not a paradoxsince colonialism, as we have seen, is precisely <strong>the</strong> organization<strong>of</strong> a Manichaean world, <strong>of</strong> a compartmentalized world.And when advocating an exact line <strong>of</strong> procedure <strong>the</strong> colonistasks every representative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oppressor minority to take outor 100 or 200 natives, he realizes <strong>the</strong>re is no outcry <strong>of</strong> indignationand that at <strong>the</strong> most <strong>the</strong> issue boils down to whe<strong>the</strong>r itcan be done in one step or in stages. 5line <strong>of</strong> reasoning which envisages <strong>the</strong> surgical elimination<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonized does not morally upset <strong>the</strong> colonized sub·ject. He has always known that his dealings with <strong>the</strong> colonistwould take place in a field <strong>of</strong> combat. So <strong>the</strong> colonized subjectwastes no time lamenting and almost never searches for justicein <strong>the</strong> colonial context. In fact if <strong>the</strong> colonist's argument leaves<strong>the</strong> colonized subject unmoved it is because <strong>the</strong> latter poses <strong>the</strong>issue <strong>of</strong> his liberation in virtually identical terms: "Let us formgroups <strong>of</strong> two or five hundred and let each group deal with acolonist." It is in this mutual frame <strong>of</strong> mind that both protagobegin<strong>the</strong> struggle.It is obvious that this general clean-up destroys <strong>the</strong> thing one wants tosave. This is exactly what Sartre indicates when he says: "In short, by <strong>the</strong> veryact <strong>of</strong>repeating <strong>the</strong>m (i.e., racist ideas) one shows that it is impossible for everyoneto unite simultaneously against <strong>the</strong> natives, that it is merely shifting recurrence,and that in any case such a unification could occur as an active groupingonly so as to massacre <strong>the</strong> colonized people, which is <strong>the</strong> perpetual absurd temptation<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonialists, and, which, if it were possible, would amount to <strong>the</strong>immediate destruction o/colonization." Critique <strong>of</strong> Dialectical Reason. Translatedbv Alan Sheridan-Smith._____________~___________db..' __...._ .....___........____ L-..-... t'Mt. _ ., t t '. Mil' 'tl. f ,tt
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