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86 THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTHGRANDEUR AND WEAKNESS OF SPONTANEITY87enemy thinks he is in pursuit but we always manage to come upbehind him, attacking him at <strong>the</strong> very moment when he leastexpects it. Now it is we who are in pursuit. Despite all his technologyand firepower <strong>the</strong> enemy gives <strong>the</strong> impression he is flounderingand losing ground. We never stop singing.<strong>the</strong> meantime, however, <strong>the</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> insurrectionrealize that <strong>the</strong>ir units need enlightening, instruction, and indoctrination;an army needs to be created, a central authorityestablished. The picture <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> nation in arms, divided intoter groups, calls for rethinking and a new vision. The leaders whohad fled <strong>the</strong> futile atmosphere <strong>of</strong> urban politics rediscover politics,no longer as a sleep-inducing technique or a means <strong>of</strong> mystification,but as <strong>the</strong> sole means <strong>of</strong> fueling <strong>the</strong> struggle and preparing<strong>the</strong> people for clear-sighted national leadership. The leaders<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> insurrection realize that any peasant revolt, even on a grandscale, needs control and guidance. They, <strong>the</strong>refore, must transform<strong>the</strong> movement from a peasant revolt into a revolutionarywar. They discover that in order to succeed <strong>the</strong> struggle must bebased on a clear set <strong>of</strong> objectives, a well-defined methodologyand above all, <strong>the</strong> recognition by <strong>the</strong> masses <strong>of</strong> an urgent timetable.One can hold out for three days, three months at <strong>the</strong> most,using <strong>the</strong> masses' pent-up resentment, but one does not win anational war, one does not rout <strong>the</strong> formidable machine <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>enemy or transform <strong>the</strong> individual if one neglects to raise <strong>the</strong>consciousness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> men in combat. Nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> heroic fight to<strong>the</strong> finish nor <strong>the</strong> beauty <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> battle cry is enough.expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> liberation war can anyway be relied onto deal a crucial blow to <strong>the</strong> leaders' convictions. The enemy nowmodifies its tactics. To its brutal policy <strong>of</strong> repression it adds ajudicious and spectacular combination <strong>of</strong> detente, divisive maneuversand psychological warfare. Here and <strong>the</strong>re it successfullyendeavors to revive tribal conflicts, using agents provocateursengaged in what is known as countersubversion. Colonialismuses two types <strong>of</strong> indigenous collaborators to achieve its ends.First <strong>of</strong> all, <strong>the</strong>re are <strong>the</strong> usual suspects: chiefs, kaids, and witchdoctors. As we have seen, <strong>the</strong> peasant masses, steeped in a neverchangingroutine, continue to revere <strong>the</strong>ir religious leaders,descendants <strong>of</strong> illustrious families. The tribe, with one voice,embarks on <strong>the</strong> path designated by <strong>the</strong> traditional chief. Colonialismsecures <strong>the</strong> services <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>se loyal servants by paying <strong>the</strong>ma small fortune.Colonialism also finds ample material in <strong>the</strong> lumpenproletariatfor its machinations. In fact, any national liberation movementshould give this lumpenproletariat maximum attention. Italways respond to <strong>the</strong> call to revolt, but if<strong>the</strong> insurrection thinksit can afford to ignore it, <strong>the</strong>n this famished underclass will pitchitself into <strong>the</strong> armed struggle and take part in <strong>the</strong> conflict, thistime on <strong>the</strong> side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oppressor. The oppressor, who neveran opportunity to let <strong>the</strong> blacks tear at each o<strong>the</strong>r'sis only too willing to exploit those characteristic flaws <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>lumpenproletariat, namely its lack <strong>of</strong> political consciousness andignorance. If this readily available human reserve is not immediorganizedby <strong>the</strong> insurrection, it will join <strong>the</strong> colonialist troopsas mercenaries. In Algeria it was <strong>the</strong> Harkis and <strong>the</strong> Messalists whowere drawn from <strong>the</strong> lumpenproletariat; in Angola, it supplied<strong>the</strong> road gangs who opened <strong>the</strong> way for <strong>the</strong> Portuguese troops;<strong>the</strong> Congo, it can be found in <strong>the</strong> regionalist demonstrations<strong>the</strong> provinces <strong>of</strong> Kasai and Katanga, while in Leopoldville itwas used by <strong>the</strong> enemies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Congo to organize "spontaneous"meetings against Lumumba.The enemy who analyzes <strong>the</strong> forces <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> insurrection, whodelves deeper and into <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> that global adversary,<strong>the</strong> colonized subject, identifies <strong>the</strong> ideological weakness andspiritual instability <strong>of</strong> certain segments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population.enemy discovers, alongside a well-organized and disciplinedinsurrectionary front line, a human mass whose commitment isconstantly threatened by <strong>the</strong> addictive cycle <strong>of</strong> physiologicalpoverty, humiliation, and irresponsibility. The enemy will usethis mass even if it costs a fortune. He will create spontaneity

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