Private Academies of Chinese Learning in Meiji Japan: The Decline ...
Private Academies of Chinese Learning in Meiji Japan: The Decline ...
Private Academies of Chinese Learning in Meiji Japan: The Decline ...
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THE DECLINE OF THE JUKU 181female. Sew<strong>in</strong>g classes were held for the girls. From this and fromShizendō Shuj<strong>in</strong>’s statements it would appear that Shijodōcatered for pupils from elementary to more advanced levels,aim<strong>in</strong>g to teach basic skills as well as to provide a kangakueducation. Thus, rather than fill<strong>in</strong>g a niche (as a juku specialized<strong>in</strong> advanced studies <strong>of</strong> kangaku might have done), Shijodō was <strong>in</strong>direct competition with public education. Perhaps this was whyit was not tolerated for long. When the central governmentamended the ord<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>of</strong> 1879 <strong>in</strong> 1880, Akita aga<strong>in</strong> took anextreme course and ordered all juku closed, although thegovernment regulations did not call for this. <strong>The</strong>y merelystipulated that private schools should no longer receive publicmoney. 26 But Shijodō, despite or because <strong>of</strong> its success, was notallowed to cont<strong>in</strong>ue. Nish<strong>in</strong>omiya had to close his juku and itsgrounds and build<strong>in</strong>gs were taken over by a public school (Kōungakkō).Aga<strong>in</strong> the prefecture’s radical stance met with criticism. Anarticle <strong>in</strong> a local newspaper <strong>in</strong> February 1881 criticized theexcesses <strong>of</strong> standardization and regretted the closure <strong>of</strong> Shijodō. 27Nish<strong>in</strong>omiya once aga<strong>in</strong> took up posts <strong>in</strong> the prefecturalgovernment and became head <strong>of</strong> a new girls’ school. He was veryactive dur<strong>in</strong>g the revival <strong>of</strong> kangaku <strong>in</strong> the 1880s.<strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Shijodō illustrates how the traditional juku could beperceived as a threat to the planned system <strong>of</strong> modern schools.Scholars like Nish<strong>in</strong>omiya were respected <strong>in</strong> the community, andit is not surpris<strong>in</strong>g that their juku were more popular than new<strong>in</strong>stitutions which had yet to prove their worth. On the otherhand, the fact that educational provision <strong>in</strong> Akita was slow toexpand suggeststhat juku ultimately benefited the establishment<strong>of</strong> a modern system by provid<strong>in</strong>g a pool <strong>of</strong> educated people fromwhich future teachers and leaders could be recruited.Akita’s policy <strong>of</strong> suppress<strong>in</strong>g private education because <strong>of</strong> itsperceived threat to the success <strong>of</strong> modern schools may well havebeen the reason why the prefecture lagged beh<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> both schoolprovision and school attendance. <strong>The</strong> first middle school was notestablished until 1882. <strong>Private</strong> elementary schools did not existbetween 1872 and 1877, while for the whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>Japan</strong> 36.5 percent <strong>of</strong> all elementary schools were private. Until the turn <strong>of</strong> thecentury, attendance at public schools <strong>in</strong> Akita was well below thenational average; <strong>in</strong> 1877 it was below 30 per cent and theprefecture ranked among the worst five (with Aomori,Kagoshima, Wakayama and Hiroshima). 28