Characteristics and social representation of ecstasy in Europe - Irefrea

stereotype, there was also the message that ecstasy does not lead to addiction and thatthere is, therefore, no risk of being hooked on it and that there are no secondary ornoxious effects on health. The price is also a key point. Unlike other drugs, its use maybe cheaper than drinking alcohol in quite a few places in Europe.The role of the media in spreading this image, as well as that of the house movementwas decisive. Through articles describing the house or techno or ruta del bacalao ormaquina (in Spain), there was widespread marketing of this type of drugs in so far asif there were any comments on the problematics which it could generate, these remainedwell-camouflaged among the advantages and good time it would bring. According toGarcí (1996) “if we were to rule out the contents of the capsules and were to evaluateonly certain aspects of its diffusion, we would be able to find numerous similaritiesamong the supply of synthetic drugs and that of certain goods and services aimed at theyoung population. From the point of view of the young as a market to invade, the tabletscost the same price as compact discs, jeans, or soft drinks...”.In the face of this scenario, we could perhaps think that it is not so much that thepreventive strategies have failed but that such a discourse has been successful inpresenting an image for synthetic drugs which is almost close to a positive educationalone for health and even to the values of a society which has a high esteem for youth,fun, success and efficiency.In fact, the idea that these drugs are not dangerous to health -at least that they areless dangerous than others- seems to have penetrated certain sectors of the youthpopulation. Similarly, that they do not lead to addiction and that their use, therefore, willnot lead to consequences like those associated with the use of heroin, that is addiction,unemployment, delinquency and, in short, marginalisation.THREE STRATEGIES: REPRESSION, DEMAND REDUCTION AND HARM MINIMISATIONAs to what form intervention strategies should take in the face of these uses, we findbasically three main strategy types; repression, reduction in the demand and harmminimisation. In principle, these are not necessarily strategically opposites and, in areview of the preventive evidence complied in DORN (Dorn and Murji, 1992), theEnglish bibliography, it recommends “multimodal programmes which use a mixture ofa slight anti-drug repression, community mobilisation and an informative element”.Synergy between different focuses increases the effectiveness of the preventivecampaigns.In practice, however, these alternatives are presented as being mutually opposed. Tostart with, in the majority of the European countries, few professionals in preventionmake the slightest mention of the position repression could fill within a policy. Indeed,in a certain sector it is considered futile in most cases, or even totally counterproductive.Nevertheless, the real situation is that the authorities in all the countries maintain thistype of repressive measure, to a lesser or greater extent. This lack of interconnection,190