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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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92 Oksana OrachevaThus, long before the referendum there was a general consensus that thepopulations of both the Oblast <strong>and</strong> the Okrug would support the merger.Approval of the merger required 50 per cent plus 1 vote.Regional elites worried about low turnout for the referendum utilized their‘adm<strong>in</strong>istrative resources’ to achieve the desired result. Some of the methodsused clearly violated the citizens’ rights to freely express their op<strong>in</strong>ions. ThePerm Oblast Centre of Human Rights noted the follow<strong>in</strong>g violations: employeeswere required to present a written confirmation of participation <strong>in</strong> the referendumat their workplace, hospitals refused to admit people for regular treatmentwithout an absentee ballot, the day of the referendum (Sunday) was made awork<strong>in</strong>g day <strong>and</strong> all employees were obliged to come to their workplace withan absentee ballot to vote collectively. 32 Such techniques enabled regionalelites to control the process of vot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> to ensure that enough people cameto the poll<strong>in</strong>g stations <strong>and</strong> that they voted the ‘right way’!The referendum <strong>in</strong> fact completed a set of negotiations that had begunmuch earlier. A number of very important agreements were made betweenthe Oblast <strong>and</strong> Okrug political elites on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the federal centreon the other. Those agreements <strong>in</strong>cluded, but were not limited to: (1) thepreservation of a special adm<strong>in</strong>istrative status for the Komi-Permyak Okrug,(2) the ma<strong>in</strong>tenance of special bonuses for citizens of the Okrug liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> theNorthern territories, (3) the establishment of a transition period, <strong>and</strong> (4) acont<strong>in</strong>uation of the practice of provid<strong>in</strong>g f<strong>in</strong>ancial aid to the Okrug throughfederal transfers.The economic legacy of unificationNatalia Zubarevich identifies two major pr<strong>in</strong>ciples that an economic justificationfor mergers would have to be based on:• ‘mother’ regions should be able to lead the development of the new subjectof the federation because of their higher economic potential <strong>and</strong>ability to apply an effective model of modernization (positive condition);• Okrug elites are unable to improve the socio-economic situation <strong>and</strong> toovercome economic gaps (negative condition). 33On the surface the Perm region <strong>and</strong> the Komi-Permyak AutonomousOkrug’s merger fully complies with the above arguments. The Okrug occupies20.5 per cent of the total territory of the Perm region while only 5.1 percent of region’s population is concentrated there. The Komi-Permyak Okrughas a very low population density of just 4.6 people per sq. km. – that is,four times lower that <strong>in</strong> the Perm region. Moreover, the Okrug has very lowurban density of 26.0 per cent, which is the lowest <strong>in</strong> the European part of<strong>Russia</strong>. The population is unevenly spread throughout the Okrug territory<strong>and</strong> this has also been a contribut<strong>in</strong>g factor to the Okrug’s slow economicdevelopment.

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