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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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Federal discourses, m<strong>in</strong>ority rights, <strong>and</strong> conflict transformation 59<strong>and</strong> de jure hierarchy among the ethnic regions is not drawn. Self-determ<strong>in</strong>ation,an authoritative commentary of the Constitution claims, would haveto f<strong>in</strong>d its limits whenever the unity of the state, human rights or ‘nationalunity’ were threatened. 17<strong>Federalism</strong> is ever more treated as a mere functional form of <strong>in</strong>tergovernmentalrelations, thus replac<strong>in</strong>g earlier ethnic-<strong>in</strong>tegrative justifications.<strong>Federalism</strong> appears as a tactical <strong>and</strong> temporarily necessary concession tonoisy ethnic elites. As Ir<strong>in</strong>a Koniuchova notes, the fundamental idea of federalismas ‘non-centralization’ (as put forth by Danial Elazar), could onlywork <strong>in</strong> stable states governed by the rule of law.Under conditions of legal nihilism, unstable political relations, the dis<strong>in</strong>tegrationof the legal system <strong>and</strong> its <strong>in</strong>efficiency, a matrix-model offederalism, <strong>in</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ction to the preferred pyramid model, could lead tothe destruction of the state <strong>and</strong> an imbalance of the state’s power <strong>and</strong>relations. 18The language is awkward while the mean<strong>in</strong>g is clear. One would have first toprovide the rule of law <strong>and</strong> stability through centralism, for only under suchcircumstances could a state <strong>in</strong>troduce ‘non-centralization’. 19 Nonetheless,this view does not give proof to the proposition that centralism is a guaranteeof the rule of law <strong>and</strong> stability.Follow<strong>in</strong>g the recommendations of the presidential commission underDmitry Kozak, the legal basis for centre–regional relations was systematized,unified <strong>and</strong> centralized. As a result of this redistribution of competencies thefederation has approximately 700 areas of responsibility, the regions reta<strong>in</strong>some 50. 20 However, there are still many deficits, <strong>in</strong>consistencies <strong>and</strong> contradictions.21 The law ‘On general pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of the organization of the legislative(representative) <strong>and</strong> executive organs of state power of the subjectsof the federation’ still leaves open (although it has been amended severaltimes) the conditions under which the supremacy of federal law should beexecuted. The implementation of norms of federal framework legislation <strong>in</strong>the regions is a highly complex procedure. 22 Future constitutional amendments<strong>and</strong> federal constitutional laws will have to clarify the scope <strong>and</strong>function of bilateral treaties, the ‘state’ character of the republics <strong>and</strong> therelevance of the still valid Federation Treaties of 1992.Contrary to the prevail<strong>in</strong>g ethnic demobilization <strong>in</strong> domestic politics,ethnic mobilization is used as an <strong>in</strong>strument <strong>in</strong> foreign policy. The <strong>Russia</strong>npolicy towards the prov<strong>in</strong>ces of South Osetiya <strong>and</strong> Abkhasiya <strong>in</strong> Georgia isto encourage their secessionist drive. The partial revision of <strong>Russia</strong>’s formerst<strong>and</strong> on the <strong>in</strong>dependence for Kosovo has changed the government’sapproach to post-Soviet secessionism too. 23 For a couple of years SouthOssetians have been provided with <strong>Russia</strong>n passports, thus enabl<strong>in</strong>g theirclaim to protection by <strong>Russia</strong>. The ‘Public Chamber of <strong>Russia</strong>’, the officialrepresentation of ‘non-governmental organizations’, formed by a State

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