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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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210 Elena Denezhk<strong>in</strong>a <strong>and</strong> Adrian CampbellStrakhov had attempted to build support among local authorities by pass<strong>in</strong>ga new regional law that would allow elections for municipal heads. Inthe event this was ruled out by a court decision, but the pass<strong>in</strong>g of theFederal Law on the General Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of <strong>Local</strong> Self-Government <strong>in</strong> the<strong>Russia</strong>n Federation meant that elections for municipal heads would takeplace <strong>in</strong> any case.‘Transformation of the Urals’ versus ‘Our Home, Our City’Immediately after the victory <strong>in</strong> the gubernatorial election it was agreed thatRossel’s team would support Bakov as an official Transformation of theUrals c<strong>and</strong>idate for mayor aga<strong>in</strong>st Chernetsky at the first election on 17December 1995. Chernetsky, for his part, formed his own party ‘Our Home,Our City’, echo<strong>in</strong>g the federal Our Home is <strong>Russia</strong>’ party. Chernetsky’sparty colleague, Vladimir Tungusov, ubiquitously referred to as the ‘greycard<strong>in</strong>al’, had supported Strakhov directly through the party. He had consideredsupport<strong>in</strong>g Strakhov, but had not done so actively as it had soonbecome clear to all that the latter’s campaign was head<strong>in</strong>g for a heavydefeat 12 <strong>and</strong> that support<strong>in</strong>g it would only reduce Chernetsky’s own chances<strong>in</strong> the mayoral election a few months later.The Bakov camp considered Chernetsky a worthy if somewhat traditionalopponent but expected Rossel to ‘put him <strong>in</strong> his place’. 13 In the wake ofRossel’s victory, Chernetsky appeared isolated – he was seen as hav<strong>in</strong>g noneed for the city council, see<strong>in</strong>g them as a dilution of mayoral authority,although his high level of professional ability (not universal among mayors<strong>in</strong> the early 1990s) meant that many councillors still supported him. 14Nonetheless the poor relations between mayor <strong>and</strong> at least some councillorsopened up a l<strong>in</strong>e of attack that would be exploited by Rossel’s supporters <strong>in</strong>this <strong>and</strong> future elections. When it came to the election on 17 December 1995,Chernetsky beat off Bakov’s challenge, the latter w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g only 16 per cent onthe second round. Bakov showed himself once aga<strong>in</strong> to be a gifted politicalcampaigner, but not a credible replacement for Chernetsky, who had built upa base of genu<strong>in</strong>e popularity <strong>in</strong> the city, project<strong>in</strong>g an image of dependableprofessionalism, confirmed by his w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g the all-<strong>Russia</strong>n competition‘<strong>Russia</strong>n Mayor-95’. 15 The basis for Chernetsky’s success <strong>in</strong> this <strong>and</strong> subsequentelections was his ability to comb<strong>in</strong>e a liberal/social democrat outlookwith the style <strong>and</strong> experience of a late Soviet-era <strong>in</strong>dustrial magnate,<strong>and</strong> a detailed underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g of how the city’s <strong>in</strong>frastructure actuallyworked. This ensured that he outlived both the first generation of wellmean<strong>in</strong>gprogressive mayors who were out-manoeuvred by vested <strong>in</strong>terests<strong>and</strong> the old-guard <strong>in</strong>dustrial managers who were unable to adapt to electoralpolitics <strong>and</strong> the need to <strong>in</strong>teract with the public.If, <strong>in</strong> the early years of democratization (1990–3), conflict had been on thehorizontal level – between executive <strong>and</strong> representative bodies, from thispo<strong>in</strong>t the ma<strong>in</strong> axis of conflict was vertical, between city <strong>and</strong> region. From

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