Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

22 Vladimir Gel'man27 Douglass North, Structure and Change in Economic History, New York: W.W.Norton, 1981, p. 49.28 Paul Sabatier, Hans Jenkins-Smith, Policy Change and Learning: An AdvocacyCoalition Approach, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993.29 Gel'man, Ryzhenkov, Belokurov, Borisova, pp. 46–8.30 Anton Steen, Political Elites and the New Russia: The Power Bases of Yeltsin’sand Putin’s Regimes, London: Routledge Curzon, 2003, pp. 95–117.31 John Kingdon, Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, Boston, MA: Little,Brown, 1984.32 Stoner-Weiss, ‘Whither the central state?’.33 Treisman, 1997; Stoner-Weiss, ‘Whither the central state?’.34 Thomas Remington, ‘Majorities without mandates: the Federation Council since2000’, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 55, No. 5, 2003, pp. 667–91.35 Vladimir Gel'man, ‘Why it is so difficult to form a regional coalition’, RussianRegional Report, Vol. 4, No. 16, 29 April 1999.36 Anna Likhtenshtein, ‘Parties of power: the electoral strategies of Russia’s elites’,in Vladimir Gel'man, Grigorii V. Golosov, Elena Meleshkina (eds), The 1999–2000 National Elections in Russia: Analyses, Documents and Data, Berlin: Sigma,2005, pp. 59–75.37 Andrei Shleifer, Daniel Treisman, Without a Map: Political Tactics and EconomicReform in Russia, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000, ch. 4.38 Likhtenstein; Gel'man, 2006.39 Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 22 February 2000.40 Reddaway and Orttung, 2003.41 For details see, Elena Chebankova, ‘The limitations of central authority in theregions and the implications for the evolution of Russia’s federal system’, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 57, No. 7, 2005, pp. 934–9.42 See Remington; Darrell Slider, ‘The regions’ impact on federal policy: theFederation Council’, in Peter Reddaway and Robert W. Orttung (eds), TheDynamics of Russian Politics: Putin’s Reform of Federal-Regional Relations, Vol. 2,Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005, pp. 123–43.43 See Kirill Fyodorov, ‘Politicheskii kurs v sferye mestnovo nalogoblozheniya vRossii’, Polis, No. 4, 2003, pp. 71–81; Andrei Chernyavsky and Karen Vartapetov,‘Municipal finance reform and local self-governance in Russia’, Post-CommunistEconomies, Vol. 16, No. 3, 2004, pp. 251–64.44 Zubarevich.45 Vladimir Pribylovskii, ‘Triumphal'noye shestvie bashkirskoi izbiratel'noi tekhnologii’,in Aleksandr M. Verkhovsky, Ekaterina V. Mikhailovskaya, and VladimirV. Pribylovskii, Rossiya Putina: Pristrastnyi Vzglyad, Moscow: Panorama, 2003,pp. 160-3.46 Petrov, 2003.47 Vladimir V. Pribylovskii, ‘Vybory: degradatsiya institute vyborov pri Putine’, inGrigorii Belonuchkin (ed.), Rossiya Putina: istoriya bolezni, Moscow: Panorama,2004, pp. 56–9.48 Gel'man, 2002; Pribylovskii, 2003, pp. 167–8.49 Pribylovskii, 2003, pp. 164–5; Pribylovskii, 2004, pp. 21–6.50 For the arguments for this, see Ella Paneyakh, ‘Neformal'nie instituty i formal'niepravila: zakon deistvuyushchii vs. zakon primenyaemii’, Politicheskaya Nauka,No. 1, 2003, pp. 35–52.51 Gel'man, 2004.52 Henry E. Hale, ‘Party development in a federal system: the impact of Putin’sreforms’, in Peter Reddaway and Robert W. Orttung (eds), The Dynamics ofRussian Politics: Putin’s Reform of Federal-Regional Relations, Vol. 2, Lanham,MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005.