Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

212 Elena Denezhkina and Adrian Campbellbranch of ‘Fatherland’ (Otechestvo), which had been set up the previous yearby Yuri Luzhkov, mayor of Moscow. As federal power stabilized underPrimakov’s premiership and later the Putin premiership and presidency, lobbyingof the federal level and competing to demonstrate federal-levelapproval became increasingly important – hence Rossel and Chernetsky both(separately) meeting with Primakov in Moscow in the run-up to the gubernatorialelections of 1999.After 2000 it was Rossel who began to appear vulnerable. As the archetypalassertive regional boss he might have been expected to be out of favourwith the Putin presidency, especially as Chernetsky was, from 2001, thedeputy head of the regional branch of the pro-Putin party United Russiawhich had emerged from the union of ‘Unity’ and ‘Fatherland’. Chernetsky’sally Porunov was chair of the Regional Duma, supported by the UnitedRussia fraction, controlled by Chernetsky and his team. Rossel’s attempt toremove Porunov led to a boycott by his supporters and the Regional Dumaceased to function for much of the period 2001–2. In the meantimeChernetsky had built up good relations with Pyotr Latyshev, the president’srepresentative for the new Urals Federal District, whereas Rossel was outspokenin his criticism of the institution of federal districts. 21 When, onarrival in the city in 2001, Latyshev attempted to place his headquarters inthe most imposing building in Ekaterinburg, which happened to be used as achildren’s centre, and was obliged to back down after well-publicized protestswhich were supported by the Governor, it was the mayor’s administrationthat found the federal district alternative accommodation.Hemmed in from above and below, Rossel was not to be marginalized,however. In mid-2001 he succeeded in recruiting the Chernetsky’s FirstDeputy Mayor, Yuri Osintsev, and appointing him as External AffairsMinister in the regional government. Osintsev, who formerly as senior managerat the Uralmash factory, had become well known in the city, was charismaticand regarded as a progressive modernizer. From 2000 Osintsev hadbeen responsible for the setting up the City Strategic Plan (see below).It was soon apparent that Osintsev was being groomed as the next regionbackedchallenger for the mayoral election of 2003, 22 especially when Rosselappointed Osintsev as the ‘curator’ of Ekaterinburg (after winning the 1995election Rossel had divided the region into sectors, each of which had acurator who in effect had the task of checking on the activities of localauthorities). Assigning to Osintsev the role of checking on his former bosswas a means of giving him a head start in the election campaign. Osinstevbegan to cultivate the opposition (i.e. anti-mayor) deputies of the city duma,and was considered to be the initiator of a new fraction, the ‘inter-regional’group bringing together enemies and erstwhile allies of Chernetsky.Osintsev’s intentions became more explicit in January 2003, when Osintsevcaused a sensation by stepping onto the floor of the City Duma at the end ofthe budget debate and (in front of the assembled media) accusing the cityadministration of massive fraud. 23