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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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The problem of effective representation 177<strong>in</strong>tra-party <strong>in</strong>teraction depends on the correlation of resources <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terestsof party leaders. In ‘autocratic’ regions the dom<strong>in</strong>ant actor usually controlsthe regional branch of United <strong>Russia</strong>, <strong>and</strong> all other parties are marg<strong>in</strong>alized.In ‘competitive’ regions the situation is different. In pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, a ‘pure’ modelis possible, when the party configuration accurately reflects the makeup ofthe regional elite, but <strong>in</strong> reality there are two ways <strong>in</strong> which political practicecan deviate from such a model. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, contradictions betweenelite groups can become <strong>in</strong>ternalized with<strong>in</strong> parties, which can cause splitswith<strong>in</strong> party organizations. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong>fluential actors can extendtheir control over several regional party organizations at one time.As far as the ‘vertical’ dimension is concerned, the more <strong>in</strong>fluential(resource-contribut<strong>in</strong>g) actors are <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> a regional branch of a party,the weaker is the ability of the central party leadership to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> control.The degree of subord<strong>in</strong>ation varies significantly from region to region <strong>and</strong>from party to party. It primarily depends on the correlation of resourcesbetween the centre <strong>and</strong> its regional branch, but s<strong>in</strong>ce parties are based onmutually beneficial exchanges of resources rather than on common politicalpreferences, weak subord<strong>in</strong>ation does not constitute a threat to them as longas the ‘system of personalized exchanges’ rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> place.The exist<strong>in</strong>g model of representation turns out to be even less effectivethan the previous one based on the ‘non-party’ mechanism, because thecircle of <strong>in</strong>terests be<strong>in</strong>g represented is much narrower. More <strong>and</strong> more oftenelection campaigns turn <strong>in</strong>to competitions of political technologies, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>gthe so-called ‘black technologies’; public disillusionment is grow<strong>in</strong>g, which isreflected <strong>in</strong> a rise <strong>in</strong> absenteeism. This means that most of the parties <strong>in</strong><strong>Russia</strong> lack popular legitimacy. A study of federal <strong>and</strong> regional electionsclearly demonstrates that there is a high dem<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> society for more universal<strong>and</strong> value-orientated parties.Appendix 7.1 Regional legislature elections resultsFirst cycleelectionsSecond cycleelectionsThird cycle electionsNo.ofseatsShareofpartydeputiesNo.ofseatsShareofpartydeputiesNo.ofseatsShareofpartydeputiesENPUnited<strong>Russia</strong>’sshare ofvotesUnited<strong>Russia</strong>’sshare ofseatsAdygeya 45 51.0 54 18.5 54 55.6 2.78 33.74 42.59Ag<strong>in</strong>sk Buryat AO 15 13.0 15 6.7 18 88.9 1.45 67.30 77.78Altai 41 29.0 41 29.0 41 57.8 4.76 27.20 31.71Altai Krai 50 44.0 50 34.0 68 52.9 3.23 24.43 32.35Amur Oblast 30 .0 36 19.4 36 58.8 5.00 16.26 19.44Arkhangelsk Oblast 39 2.6 39 12.8 62 67.4 3.57 23.63 40.32Astrakhan Oblast 29 27.6 29 10.3 58 81.5 2.33 38.73 57.14Bashkortostan 174 .0 120 81.7 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0

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