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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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70 Andreas He<strong>in</strong>emann-Grüder‘harmonization’ of republican constitutions was implemented at the expenseof the ethnic regions.A further question asked whether the status as a republic is seen as beneficial<strong>in</strong> receiv<strong>in</strong>g federal subsidies. Eight out of 31 respondents – equallydistributed among the republics – thought that the status as a republic isbeneficial. All others felt that the status does not pay off; the economicpotential of a region or the relationship of the leadership of the republic withthe federal government were more decisive. Very few felt that republicsshould not get any preferential treatment at all – but support should beneeds-based, not status-based.The deputies were additionally asked whether they would agree to changes<strong>in</strong> the current ethno-territorial make-up, either by splitt<strong>in</strong>g ethnic regions upor by merg<strong>in</strong>g them <strong>in</strong>to larger units. Out of thirty-one respondents, fourapproved of a change of ethnic regions – that some ethnic regions withm<strong>in</strong>imal autochthonous populations would only exist on paper as ethnicregions, for example the Yamalo-Nenets, the Khanty-Mansi, Komi orKareliya, <strong>and</strong> that furthermore regions with a similar ethnic compositioncould merge. The overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g majority of the respondents, however, th<strong>in</strong>kthat the ethno-territorial structure should be reta<strong>in</strong>ed. Economically, achange of status could be reasonable, yet the republics were states, e.g. constitutiveunits of the federation. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to one respondent the ethnic‘subjects’ of the federation were a guarantee for the preservation of differentpeoples.The deputies were also asked whether each compactly settled group shouldhave its own republic, district or at least rayon. Out of thirty-one respondentsten were more or less unconditionally <strong>in</strong> favour of such a territorialityof ethnicity. Seven respondents qualified the quest for an own territory – the<strong>in</strong>dividual situation should be taken <strong>in</strong>to account, <strong>and</strong> any territorialityshould not be at the expense of other groups. Ethnically close peoples couldbe unified <strong>in</strong>to one republic, <strong>and</strong> ethnic rayons would be justified <strong>in</strong> cases ofcompact settlement with a m<strong>in</strong>imum group size of 10,000 ethnically dist<strong>in</strong>ctresidents. The duration of settlement should also be taken <strong>in</strong>to account.Another respondent felt that ethnic groups would first have to deserve a territoryof their own. Among the proponents of ethnic territories we may alsocount those who plead for the retention of the current ethno-territorialmake-up, but who, given the potential for future conflict, were also aga<strong>in</strong>stthe formation of new ethnic units. Not a s<strong>in</strong>gle deputy spoke out explicitlyaga<strong>in</strong>st ethnic territories.The next question was l<strong>in</strong>ked to the former – how would the deputiesassess the idea of replac<strong>in</strong>g ethnic regions by governments (guberniya), suchas occurred <strong>in</strong> tsarist times? All thirty-one respondents rejected this idea.Some responded that the guberniya would only result <strong>in</strong> more jobs forbureaucrats, <strong>and</strong> that the republics would lose their ability to support culturalpolicies. <strong>Federalism</strong>, it was also argued, would by def<strong>in</strong>ition consist ofethnic regions.

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