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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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Federal discourses, m<strong>in</strong>ority rights, <strong>and</strong> conflict transformation 73participation, broaden sources of legitimacy, limit the ‘terror of the majority’,broaden citizenship by <strong>in</strong>stitutionaliz<strong>in</strong>g multi-ethnicity <strong>and</strong> provide forsub-national competition, thus stimulat<strong>in</strong>g local self-governance, <strong>in</strong>novation<strong>and</strong> efficiency. The counter-argument holds that federalism <strong>in</strong>stitutionalizesregional overrepresentation <strong>and</strong> undemocratic veto positions, preserves subnationalauthoritarianism, promotes ethnocratic <strong>in</strong>stead of democratic rule,exacerbates regional disparities, underm<strong>in</strong>es the rule of law, <strong>and</strong> facilitatesthe rise of demagogues rather than encourag<strong>in</strong>g democracy. 55 But if onelooks at the empirical evidence <strong>in</strong> diverse sett<strong>in</strong>gs, there is no <strong>in</strong>evitable l<strong>in</strong>kbetween democracy, federalism <strong>and</strong> the degree of sub-national autonomy.Especially <strong>in</strong> emerg<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> multi-ethnic federations, the <strong>in</strong>tegration of subnationalunits or groups often took precedence over democracy. Twoimperatives usually compete <strong>in</strong> these cases – <strong>in</strong>tegration <strong>and</strong> democracy.Federations generally tend to over-represent territorial units or ethnic groupson the federal level <strong>and</strong> thus contradict the democratic pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of ‘one manone vote’. Regional autonomy may protect non-democratic regimes too,although federal democracy may cascade downwards as well. <strong>Federalism</strong> isprobably a far too multi-faceted regime to attribute common effects to it.Empirically, there are more authoritarian regimes among the republics<strong>and</strong> autonomous okrugs than among the purely territorial regions of the<strong>Russia</strong>n Federation. The most critical cases are Bashkortostan, Kalmykiya,Chuvashiya, North Osetiya-Alaniya, Kabard<strong>in</strong>o-Balkariya, followed byTatarstan, Buryatiya, <strong>and</strong> other republics. 56 In particular the republics werevery slow <strong>in</strong> the early 1990s <strong>in</strong> establish<strong>in</strong>g post-Soviet, democratic regimes.Old elites effectively survived by virtue of hold<strong>in</strong>g positions <strong>in</strong> the unreformedSupreme Soviets <strong>in</strong> the republics.They acquired political resources that enabled them to rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> controlof local power hierarchies after the Communist Party <strong>and</strong> its mechanismsof political <strong>in</strong>tegration collapsed. A shift to directly elected presidencies,which occurred <strong>in</strong> the majority of the republics, did not elevatenew elites to power either. Rather, they <strong>in</strong>stitutionally redef<strong>in</strong>ed the<strong>in</strong>cumbent heads of republics <strong>and</strong> the exist<strong>in</strong>g power hierarchies. 57Initially, the retention of ethno federalism thus <strong>in</strong>hibited democratizationof the republics.Gordon Hahn impliesthat the authoritarian variant of ethnofederalism may have stabilized theregions, whereas democratization could have sparked ethnic mobilization… Such mobilization, however, positive from the po<strong>in</strong>t of view ofmobiliz<strong>in</strong>g civil society as a counter to state-dom<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong>stitutionbuild<strong>in</strong>g, could prove to be not only a democratiz<strong>in</strong>g factor but also adestabiliz<strong>in</strong>g one to the extent that it mobilizes simultaneously severalnationalities with conflict<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> the regions. 58

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