Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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Putin and the election of regional governors 117not just for governors, but for mayors and other municipal leaders. 40 Putinwould appoint governors, and governors would appoint mayors and lowerlevelofficials. In his September 2004 speech Putin called for governors toplay a greater role in formation of local organs of power. Ultimately, theresult would be a system under which the only elections would be for president,the Duma, regional legislatures and municipal councils. Combinedwith the increasing emphasis on proportional representation by politicalparties as the basis for creating legislative bodies, one could imagine Russianelections in which the only name of a person listed on a ballot would be forthe office of president.The ideas of democracy and federalism that are a major part of theRussian constitution provided a framework that, if allowed to develop,would give the system built-in ‘safety valves’ that would make it easier toweather periodic crises. The path to a more democratic Russia would be toreform those elements that would strengthen democracy and federalism,such as clarifying the budgets and responsibilities of the centre and theregions, strengthening national institutions, and creating a system of independentcourts. Many analysts questioned the Kremlin’s assumptions aboutRussia and the wisdom of the new strategy. One could argue that excessivecentralization and the consequent deferral of many key decisions to thecentre makes Russia more, not less, vulnerable to collapse. Instead ofincreasing accountability in the regions, it has the effect of making the centreresponsible for everything. Governors, who were just beginning to beaccountable to voters, were now accountable only to Putin.Notes1 V. Putin, ‘Vystuplenie na rashironnym zasedanii Pravitel'stva s uchastiem glavsub'ektov Rossiskoi Federatsii,’ 13 September 2004. From the presidential sitehttp://www.president.kremlin.ru2 The law was passed by a vote of 372 to 60, with only the KPRF and independentdeputies opposed.3 Putin in his public appearances has consistently rejected this characterization ofthe new system, insisting that the election of governors by regional legislatures isthe essential element of the new procedure.4 Moscow and Leningrad, later renamed St Petersburg, had the status of regions(‘subjects of the federation’), rather than cities within regions.5 See A. Sobchak, Iz Leningrada v Peterburg: Putshestvie vo Vremeni i Prostranstve,Kontrfors: St. Petersburg, 1999, p. 143.6 Vladimir Putin, Ot Pervogo Litsa, Moscow: Vagrius, 2000, p. 104. In the bookPutin mistakenly places these events in 1992 rather than 1991.7 The Soviet leadership was encouraging the republics within Russia to join the newunion treaty autonomously from the Russian federation. See the material publishedby the Gorbachev Foundation, Soiuz mozhno bylo sokhranit', 2nd edn,Moscow, 2007, pp. 235-9.8 Starting in 1996 governors were automatically given seats in the upper chamber,which also provided them with immunity from criminal prosecution. Under Putin,regional leaders were removed from the Federation Council and replaced by their
118 Darrell Sliderappointed representatives, a group much more willing to take instructions fromthe Kremlin.9 Andrew Konitzer, Voting for Russia’s Governors, Washington, DC: WoodrowWilson Center Press, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005, pp. 82–8.10 Grigory Belonuchkin, 101 fakt o Rossiiskoi Federatsii, Moscow: Panorama, 2006,p. 145.11 Cameron Ross, ‘Federalism and electoral authoritarianism under Putin’,Demokratizatsiya, Summer 2005, Vol. 13, No. 4, pp. 347–71.12 Konitzer, p. 225.13 The most complete analysis of these measures is Peter Reddaway and Robert W.Orttung (eds), The Dynamics of Russian Politics: Putin’s Reform of Federal–Regional Relations, Volume II, Lanham, MD, Boulder, CO, New York, Toronto,Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005.14 Putin had pressured Yakovlev to leave his post as St Petersburg governor tobecome deputy prime minister and then presidential representative in theSouthern Federal District. This step eventually allowed Putin to appointValentina Matvienko as acting governor, and she won election to the post inOctober 2003. Later Yakovlev returned to Moscow as head of a new ministry forregional economic development.15 Rogozin interviewed by Vladimir Solov'ev on the programme ‘Apel'sinovoi sok’,NTV, 26 September 2004.16 Yakovlev was quickly replaced as presidential envoy (by long-term Putin allyDmitry Kozak) and after a few months Dzasokhov was forced into early retirementfrom his post of North Ossetian president.17 Vitalii Ivanov, Putin i Regiony: Tsentralizatsiia Rossii, Moscow: Evropa, 2006,p. 200.18 Yakovlev had served as Sobchak’s minister for communal services; the presumedsupport he received came from Yeltsin aides in the so-called ‘party of war’,Alexander Korzhakov and Oleg Soskovets.19 Putin, pp. 105–7.20 Anatolii Sobchak, Diuzhina Nozhei v Spinu, Moscow: Vagrius-Petro-N'ius, 1999,p. 106.21 Rostislav Turovskii, ‘Putinskaia piatiletka v regional'noi politike, ili beg po krugu’,http://www.politkom.ru , 28 December 2005.22 Vera Postnova, ‘Rech' idet o likvidatsii national'nykh respublik’, NezavisimayaGazeta, 27 October 2004.23 Results reported in, ‘Bol'shinstvo rossiian za vybory merov and senatorov’, strana.ru, 22 November 2004.24 ‘Gubernatory Rossii: poderzhivaem mestnykh’, VTsIOM press release No. 536, 20September 2006, from the website http://www.wciom.ru.25 Georgii Satarov, ‘Piramida sizifa’, Novaya Gazeta, 4 October 2004.26 ‘Reforma regional'noi vlasti: monitoring’, FOM website, http://www.fom.ru, 9December 2004. 36 per cent had difficulty answering.27 ‘Izvmeneniia v protsedure izbraniia glav regionov’, FOM website http://www.fom.ru, 24 November 2005.28 Among national political actors, the main opponents of Putin’s plan were the KPRF(though it had traditionally favoured centralization and restrictions on the powersof governors), as well as the extraparliamentary parties Yabloko and the Union ofRight Forces.29 ‘Ot Konstitutsii ostanetsia trukha’, Vlast', 26 December 2005.30 Presidential representatives in federal districts began functioning in 2000; they arechosen by the president and report to his administration. The districts and post ofpolpred were created by decree and are an extra-constitutional institution.
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9 Soviet Music and Societyunder Len
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40 Political and Social Thought inP
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First published 2009by Routledge2 P
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xContents8 The representation of bu
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List of contributorsMichael Burgess
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PrefaceThe chapters in this volume
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AcknowledgementsCameron Ross would
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2 Vladimir Gel'manconclusions on th
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4 Vladimir Gel'man• Recentralizat
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6 Vladimir Gel'manthat they themsel
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8 Vladimir Gel'manprevent unity of
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10 Vladimir Gel'manMeans and endsTh
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12 Vladimir Gel'manthe whole they s
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14 Vladimir Gel'manamendments, know
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16 Vladimir Gel'manfrom above; the
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18 Vladimir Gel'manfall in the aver
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20 Vladimir Gel'mancentralism’ co
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22 Vladimir Gel'man27 Douglass Nort
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24 Vladimir Gel'man78 Gel'man, Ryze
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26 Michael Burgesssuccessor, the Ru
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28 Michael Burgessthese remarks are
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30 Michael BurgessThe legacy of Sov
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32 Michael Burgessintensive constit
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34 Michael Burgess‘federalism’
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36 Michael Burgessriding postilion.
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38 Michael Burgesstradition that al
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40 Michael BurgessAustrian federati
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42 Michael Burgess3 Ethnic diversit
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44 Michael Burgesswhile the Walloon
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46 Michael Burgessmany constituent
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48 Michael Burgessthe special arran
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50 Michael Burgessmodified version
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52 Michael Burgess30 Riker, p. 39.
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3 Federal discourses, minority righ
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56 Andreas Heinemann-Grüderthe Yel
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58 Andreas Heinemann-GrüderPutin
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60 Andreas Heinemann-GrüderDuma La
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62 Andreas Heinemann-Grüderscatter
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64 Andreas Heinemann-GrüderThe sit
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Page 85 and 86: 68 Andreas Heinemann-GrüderMany re
Page 87 and 88: 70 Andreas Heinemann-Grüder‘harm
Page 89 and 90: 72 Andreas Heinemann-Grüderstating
Page 91 and 92: 74 Andreas Heinemann-GrüderHahn’
Page 93 and 94: 76 Andreas Heinemann-Grüdercounter
Page 95 and 96: 78 Andreas Heinemann-Grüderreconfi
Page 97 and 98: 80 Andreas Heinemann-Grüder30 Inte
Page 99 and 100: 4 Unification as a political projec
Page 101 and 102: Table 4.2 Timetable of regional mer
Page 103 and 104: 86 Oksana Orachevamaking more effec
Page 105 and 106: 88 Oksana Orachevathrough a referen
Page 107 and 108: 90 Oksana Orachevaargue that by the
Page 109 and 110: 92 Oksana OrachevaThus, long before
Page 111 and 112: 94 Oksana Orachevaand the Okrug. 39
Page 113 and 114: 96 Oksana Orachevafor the merger, a
Page 115 and 116: 98 Oksana Orachevamerger. As Yuri S
Page 117 and 118: 100 Oksana Orachevaethnic identity
Page 119 and 120: 102 Oksana Orachevaassemblies in th
Page 121 and 122: 104 Oksana Oracheva28 Sergey Ilyin,
Page 123 and 124: 5 Putin and the election of regiona
Page 125 and 126: 108 Darrell SliderBashkortostan add
Page 127 and 128: 110 Darrell Slidergovernors were of
Page 129 and 130: 112 Darrell SliderPutin’s new pow
Page 131 and 132: 114 Darrell Sliderin turn takes ins
Page 133: 116 Darrell Sliderpolitical experie
Page 137 and 138: 6 Electoral reforms and democratiza
Page 139 and 140: 122 Aleksandr KynevThis phenomenon
Page 141 and 142: 124 Aleksandr Kynevvoluntarily), ni
Page 143 and 144: 126 Aleksandr Kyneveverywhere the p
Page 145 and 146: 128 Aleksandr Kynevregions where el
Page 147 and 148: 130 Aleksandr Kynevthe Federation h
Page 149 and 150: Table 6.3 Election to legislative a
Page 151 and 152: 134 Aleksandr Kynevgovernors came t
Page 153 and 154: 136 Aleksandr KynevLebedev), the Ru
Page 155 and 156: 138 Aleksandr Kynevof the total of
Page 157 and 158: 140 Aleksandr Kynevcases it was for
Page 159 and 160: 142 Aleksandr Kynevsubmitted, but n
Page 161 and 162: 144 Aleksandr KynevOn the other han
Page 163 and 164: 146 Aleksandr Kynevparliament in Ty
Page 165 and 166: 148 Aleksandr Kynevgovernors and re
Page 167 and 168: 7 Russian political parties and reg
Page 169 and 170: 152 Petr Panovmajoritarianism (‘t
Page 171 and 172: 154 Petr Panov(deputies) who are en
Page 173 and 174: 156 Petr Panovresult, the incentive
Page 175 and 176: Table 7.1 The share of party deputi
Page 177 and 178: Table 7.2The share of party deputie
Page 179 and 180: 162 Petr Panov1 ‘Autocracy’ (a
Page 181 and 182: 164 Petr Panovhalf the seats in the
Page 183 and 184: 166 Petr PanovTable 7.3Effective nu
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168 Petr Panovactor. Therefore, the
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170 Petr PanovThe years 2003-4 beca
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172 Petr PanovVladimir Nelyubin, pu
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174 Petr Panovby the previous ‘el
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176 Petr PanovIn addition, the hete
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178 Petr PanovFirst cycleelectionsS
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180 Petr PanovFor Volgograd Oblast
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182 Petr Panov37 M. Laakso and R. T
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8 The representation of business el
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186 Rostislav TurovskiiAt the same
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188 Rostislav Turovskiientrepreneur
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190 Rostislav Turovskiibusiness in
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192 Rostislav Turovskiirepresentati
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194 Rostislav Turovskiiand was sent
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196 Rostislav Turovskiiper cent of
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198 Rostislav Turovskiiof sociologi
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200 Rostislav TurovskiiAs governors
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202 Rostislav Turovskiicompany. Thi
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204 Rostislav TurovskiiNominating f
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206 Rostislav Turovskii14 Budargin
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208 Elena Denezhkina and Adrian Cam
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228 Hellmut Wollmann and Elena Grit
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11 Russia’s elusive pursuit of ba
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250 John F. Youngcentre. This is on
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252 John F. Youngcommonly, however,
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254 John F. Youngcounter-reform. Th
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256 John F. Younglegislative acts o
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258 John F. Youngplay behind these
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260 John F. Youngbeen weakened in i
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262 John F. Young24 Vladimir Gel'ma
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264 Vertical or triangle?alleged mi
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266 Vertical or triangle?The Kozak
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268 Vertical or triangle?critics of
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270 Vertical or triangle?would be n
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272 Vertical or triangle?law-based
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274 Vertical or triangle?difficult
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276 Vertical or triangle?and the go
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278 Vertical or triangle?Given that
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280 Vertical or triangle?In conclus
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282 Vertical or triangle?szelenyi60
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13 Municipal elections and electora
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286 Cameron RossPutin the new PR sy
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288 Cameron RossElections of chairs
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290 Cameron Rosshaving to submit a
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292 Cameron RossMunicipal Raion in
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294 Cameron Ross80 per cent of the
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296 Cameron RossParty competition w
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298 Cameron RossDonskoi has stated
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300 Cameron Rossdominated by member
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302 Cameron Ross10 Vladimr Putin,
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304 Cameron Ross67 Laura Belin, ‘
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306 IndexLankina, Tomila 289Law on
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