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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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Between a rock <strong>and</strong> a hard place 31Graham Smith summarized the circumstances that occasioned the demise ofthe USSR <strong>in</strong> a similar ve<strong>in</strong> but with an added emphasis on ‘ethno-federalism’.He described the unfold<strong>in</strong>g of the Soviet Union as ‘the geopolitics ofdefederation’:What provided the necessary conditions for federalism to emerge on tothe political agenda was the centre’s eventual acknowledgement thatsocio-economic reform could not be effectively implemented without civilsociety’s participation as catalyst <strong>in</strong> facilitat<strong>in</strong>g ‘reform from above’.Hav<strong>in</strong>g disabled the state-censored society through the tw<strong>in</strong> policies ofglasnost <strong>and</strong> democratization, the centre <strong>in</strong> effect purposely <strong>in</strong>vited amultiethnic society to engage <strong>in</strong> the mak<strong>in</strong>g of perestroika, withoutconsider<strong>in</strong>g the likely implications of its actions. Consequently, the federalquestion became quickly bound up with ‘a revolution from below’ <strong>in</strong> whichthe ethno-regions came to shape the nature of the federal agenda. 18Both of these summaries share the conclusion that what happened was thepolitics of un<strong>in</strong>tended consequences. The dis<strong>in</strong>tegration of the Soviet Union<strong>and</strong> the emergence of the <strong>Russia</strong>n Federation were an accidental by-productof Gorbachev’s reform communism. The mode of ‘reform from above’ providedthe constituent ethno-republics with the opportunity – the <strong>in</strong>stitutionalspace – to seize the political <strong>in</strong>itiative <strong>and</strong> set the pace <strong>in</strong> ‘putt<strong>in</strong>g the issue offederation on to the reform agenda’. 19From the st<strong>and</strong>po<strong>in</strong>t of political philosophy, ethics <strong>and</strong> political practice,Gorbachev openly repudiated what Richard Sakwa has called the ‘emancipatoryrevolutionism of Marxian socialism’ characteristic of the Sovietpast. 20 But <strong>in</strong> seek<strong>in</strong>g to address the yawn<strong>in</strong>g chasm that had opened upbetween ‘the system’s core <strong>and</strong> operat<strong>in</strong>g ideologies’ by a ‘cleans<strong>in</strong>g process’that would remove ‘the deformations <strong>and</strong> accretions of the operat<strong>in</strong>g ideologyto allow a return to the core ideas’, he took a calculated gamble. AsSakwa observed, Gorbachev’s own‘antirevolution’ was actually ‘<strong>in</strong>tegrative’,but ‘the cleans<strong>in</strong>g process came <strong>in</strong>to contradiction with his <strong>in</strong>tegrativeagenda, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong>tegration <strong>in</strong> the event turned out to be someth<strong>in</strong>g muchlarger than simply a return to core pr<strong>in</strong>ciples’. 21 In short, the <strong>in</strong>tellectualbasis of Gorbachev’s reform communism was <strong>in</strong> tune with the moderniz<strong>in</strong>gpressures of the age but while the theoretical catharsis was long overdue itspractical implementation harboured serious dangers for the future of theSoviet Union that he did not anticipate. Indeed, he badly miscalculated byoverestimat<strong>in</strong>g the value <strong>and</strong> esteem <strong>in</strong> which the Union was held <strong>in</strong> thejudgement of its constituent parts.The lower<strong>in</strong>g of the Soviet flag over the Kreml<strong>in</strong> for the last time occurredon Christmas Eve <strong>in</strong> 1991, but if we construe Soviet dis<strong>in</strong>tegration <strong>in</strong> termsof a process rather than a s<strong>in</strong>gle date it began at least as early as June 1990when <strong>Russia</strong> formally decoupled itself from the USSR <strong>and</strong> made its historicdeclaration of sovereignty. This event <strong>in</strong>augurated a remarkable period of

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