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Federalism and Local Politics in Russia

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264 Vertical or triangle?alleged misapplication of the term public authority . 2 It was seen to emphasizethe adm<strong>in</strong>istrative-territorial aspects of local government, rather thaneconomic development. 3 It was seen to centralize power, concentrat<strong>in</strong>gf<strong>in</strong>ancial resources at federal level while seek<strong>in</strong>g to place the burden ofmeet<strong>in</strong>g social guarantees on the local level. 4 It was seen as giv<strong>in</strong>g governorsmore extensive powers over mayors <strong>and</strong> seek<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>in</strong>tegrate <strong>Russia</strong> s localgovernment <strong>in</strong>to <strong>Russia</strong> s hierarchical state structure. 5Recentralization of power from regional to federal level has been one ofthe def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g policies of the Put<strong>in</strong> adm<strong>in</strong>istration. However, it does not followthat the policy towards local government should be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as astraightforward extension of the same pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of centralization. Were thisthe case then it would have been logical for the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of appo<strong>in</strong>tmentrather than election, applied to regional heads s<strong>in</strong>ce October 2004, to havebeen extended to mayors. Such a step has been seen by some as entirely <strong>in</strong>keep<strong>in</strong>g with the adm<strong>in</strong>istration’s outlook:To a product of the Soviet system the elim<strong>in</strong>ation of checks <strong>and</strong> balancesappears to <strong>in</strong>crease the manageability of the political system. … thesame striv<strong>in</strong>g or clarity <strong>and</strong> order will encompass the sub-regional level… <strong>and</strong> may result <strong>in</strong> the direct subord<strong>in</strong>ation of mayors to governors. 6The option of substitut<strong>in</strong>g mayoral elections with a system of appo<strong>in</strong>tmentfrom above was openly considered by President Put<strong>in</strong> as early as 2000 <strong>and</strong>was the subject of much high-profile debate <strong>in</strong> early 2005, before becom<strong>in</strong>gthe subject of a draft amendment to Law 131 <strong>in</strong> November 2006. On eachoccasion the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple appeared close to adoption only to be brushed aside atthe last m<strong>in</strong>ute – a vocal federal constituency <strong>in</strong> favour of appo<strong>in</strong>ted mayorswas obliged to give way to another <strong>in</strong> favour of elected mayors.Were Law 131 primarily about <strong>in</strong>tegrat<strong>in</strong>g local government <strong>in</strong>to the statevertical, <strong>and</strong> if this were all that federal policy on local government amountedto, this repeated recoil<strong>in</strong>g from the idea of appo<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g mayors would be<strong>in</strong>explicable. This chapter sets out to expla<strong>in</strong> why the refusal (so far) toappo<strong>in</strong>t mayors was consistent with the pr<strong>in</strong>ciples underly<strong>in</strong>g Law 131, <strong>and</strong>how the latter was the result of a more complex set of aims.The Kozak CommissionLaw 131 was one of the ma<strong>in</strong> outputs of the Federal Commission on theDistribution of Functions between Levels of Power <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Russia</strong>nFederation, which was convened by the President <strong>in</strong> 2001. The first chair ofthat commission was Dmitry Nikolaevich Kozak, deputy head of thePresidential Adm<strong>in</strong>istration, who had just competed an overhaul of the<strong>Russia</strong>n Federation’s judicial system. 7 Although the Commission revisedover 300 federal laws <strong>in</strong> its programme of federal reform, most of these weresectoral laws. Two new laws, however, had a special status as they dealt with

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